Rohingya Hoax

ROHINGYA
HOAX

By

Mating Tha

2009

Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural Association

New York

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A PUBLICATION OF
BUDDHIST RAKHAING CULTURAL ASSOCIATION
UNITED STATES OF AMERIC

Copyright © 2009
All Rights Reserved
\ ISBN 0-9726465-1-5

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

This edition is the sequel of Rakhaing Guardian, a half-
yearly bilingual periodical, published by the Buddhist
Rakhaing Cultural Association, a non-profit organization in
New York City.

To my parents

I have the pleasure to record my thanks to my family for
valuable contribution. I am thankftil to members and friends
of the Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural Association for their
support,

CONTENTS

GLOSSARY 9

A NOTE FROM THE AUTHOR 1 1

PREFACE 13

PART ONE

RACES AND TRIBES 17

WHO ARE THEY? 20

THE DNA DIAGNOSIS 23

PART TWO

THE CHITTAGONIAN INFLUX 25

PART THREE

THE ISLAMIC POLITICS 37

MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD 42

DEMOGRAPHIC JSLAMIZATION 47

ISLAM1SM VERSUS NATIONAL SECURITY 54

RADICAL ISLAM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 63

THE AL-QAEDA LINK 65

PART FOUR

THE HYPOCRITICAL PANDERERS 68

PART FIVE

CONCLUSION 75

EPILOGUE

THE SHIPWRECK STORY 81

THE MIDDLE EASTRN ORIGIN 88

Appendix I 92

Appendix II 99

Appendix III 100

Appendix IV 104

Bibliography 105

GLOSSARY

Arakan

Arakanese

Bunna

Burmese/
Burman

Bengali

The term as known to the Europeans denotes
the erstwhile kingdom of Rakhaing, which
locally called Rakhaing Pray or Rakhaing
land, is now part of the Union of Burma.

Indigenous inhabitants of Rakhaing or
Arakan, who are exclusively Buddhist and
ethnically Mongoloid.

A country in Southeast Asia, which is known
as Myanmar in the native tradition.

An ethnic group of Burma , who are called
Bama locally; and the citizenry of Burma
in general.

East Bengal Part of British India, which became East
Pakistan in 1947, and Bangladesh in 1971.

A native of Bengal, rather East Bengal.

Maghs/Mughs/ The name is contemptuously applied to the
Maughs Rakhaings or Arakanese by the Bengalis.

Mujtahid The predecessor of so-called Rohingya,

Rakhaing The term is the ancient name of the territory,
natives and language of Arakan. But it was
misstated by the Muslim manipulators as
the recently innovated name, in the context
of a politically motivated strategy, to
galvanize the Islamist separatist movement.
Regrettably, the Western writers and

10 Glossaiy

journalists of today daftly followed suit,
while classic hisiorian ArlhuT P. Phayre, who
is regarded as one of the most respected
scholars and standard-bearers in so far as
the matter concerns Rakhaing, explicates :

The country known in Europe as Arakan
extends for 350 miles along the eastern
shore of the bay of Bengal. It is called by
the natives Rakhaingpyi, or land of the
Rakhaing. '

The word Rakhaing for the country is
undoubtedly ancient,...

Rohingya The term Rohingya is never known to

history nor it is ever recorded in the official
documents as the designation of a Muslim
coterie in Rakhaing, ostensibly cross-bred hy
Arab castaways. It is only a belied term
employed by the alien Muslim separatists,
with the object of advancing a legal claim
to ethnic grouping of the Union of Burma.
The Imperialist British, who ruled the Indian
Empire, named them Chittagonians after the
Chittagong District of East Bengal, where
from they originated. The term Rohingya,
therefore, is synonym of alien Chittagonian
separatists or jihadist Mujtahid.

The main indigenous ethnic groups of the Union of Burma:
Bam a, Rakhaing, Shan, Mon, Karen, Chin,
Kachin and FCayah.

A NOTE FROM THE AUTHOR

"The Piltdown Man", a scientific forgery, was
speculated in 1912 as the missing link between man and the
apes. The paleontological hoax was finally uncovered in
1953. Now there is "The Rohingya", an ethnological fraud,
which claimed to be the hybrid race of Arabs, has fooled the
public since the 1950s, having concocted the far-fetched
shipwreck story. The international community, who were
prone to deceit, seemed to have the least notion of what was
encapsulated in the humbug wangled by the illegal
immigrant Muslims from the Chittagong District of East
Bengal.

The risible claim, which was pivoted on shipwrecked
Arabs, the alleged progenitors of soi-disant Rohingya, was a
classic example of deception and intrigue devised by the
pugnacious Chittagonian Muslims, who cast about for a
dog's chance to win a free Islamic enclave in the Rakhaing
state, the northwest region of the Union of Burma, which
adjoins the Bengali land, presently Bangladesh. Wily as was
their strategy, the Chittagonian separatists, who were beset
by identity crisis and known for a history of frequent change
and gimmick, were seized with an impulse to inter their
Bengali identity and nicknamed themselves Rohingya in
pretence of a new race, distinct from the Bengali strain, in
ordeT to give a legitimate reason for the institutionalization
of them as an ethnic group of Burma in support of their
demand for the Muslim state. The farcical claim does not
bear out what it was professed.

It is time to divulge the Rohingya hoax, the product
of Chittagonian rascals, in virtue of evidence rested upon
the basis of historical documents and official records,
probing the core of the claim as to who the purported

11

12 A Note from the Author

Rohingya are, and where they came from, whether their
ancestry originated in the far-away land of Arabs or the near-
at-hand Bengali land of over population and grinding
poverty so that their true identity is unveiled; hence,
expurgation of the fraudulent claim once and for all

Abraham Lincoln says:

Vfiu ran fool some of the people all of the time,

And all of the people some of the time,
But you can not fool all of the people all of the time.

MT.H,
Washington, D.C.

PREFACE

The paltry subterfuge of an imaginary people was
hyperbolized in so much profusion that it has profoundly
suffused into confusion of the general public, people of the
Western world in particular. No wonder that the image of
fictional Rohingya, which was feigned to attain the legal
status of immigrant Bengali Muslims, gained favour of
apologists and liberal ists. Adapted to a culture of deceit the
Chiftagonian separatists gussied up their claim in fancy and
finesse, distorting nebulous events of history convenient for
the Rohingya chicanery. The purveyors of lies did not need
facts to hoodwink the general public, It is pretty simple to
spot the wile, if one would only go back to history.

Rakhaing, a traditional Buddhist land, has been in
the Islamic phantasm for centuries. Rambunctious as it has
been in the time since the demise of monarchy, the woeful
state of affairs of Rakhaing, to the gravest extent imaginable,
was aggravated by transplant Chittagonian Bengalis who
toyed with the idea of gaining dominion over the land, which
the Muslims had failed to materialize in the past centuries;
but their aspiration, the sequel of long-run objective to fulfill
the Islamic inspiration, did not die. They continued to
activize the growing breath of the preordained ambition in
capricious strategy and freakish tactics.

Lying on the ea$tem shore of the Bay of Bengal, the
land of Rakhaing was once a sovereign kingdom, with a
history of thousands of glorious years. It was composed of
four geopolitical regions, viz., Dhinmyawaddy (Mrauk-U),
Rammawaddy (Ramree Is.), Dwarawaddy (Sandoway) and
Maygawaddy (Cheduba Is.). At the height of its glory and
sea power the kingdom reigned supreme in the east coast of
the Bay and held sway over parts of East Bengal, which

13

1 4 Preface

comprised the greater portion of present day Bangladesh, It
also imposed its power on the bounds of Burmese kingdom.
The prosperous kingdom, however, did not survive the
ravages of time. The kingdom's very success contributed to
its fall It ceased to exist in 1785 at the ultimate conquest by
the juxtaposed Burmese kingdom, which in turn fell to a
British colony, consequent upon the first Anglo-Burmese
war of 1824-26. During the British rule of Burma, the
Rakhaing land became the Arakan Division, which was
divided into three Districts, namely, Akyab, Kyaukpru and
Sandoway. In the aftermath of national independence from
the British in 1948, the land of Rakhaing was belatedly
constituted as a state in the Union of Burma.

When Burma secured independence from the British,
they left behind a large community of alien Indians, Hindus
and Muslims, who were imported into Burma to serve the
vested interests of British colonialists. The Rakhaing land,
bounded by the Chittagong District of East Bengal, was
worse off than any other part of the Union, with the
presence of a large number of immigrant Muslims, who were
Bengali in blood and spirit. The ethnical, linguistic, cultural,
religious, political and geographical ties held the
Chittagonian immigrants together with the people of their
old country. Upon formal nationalization and indigenization
that followed independence nearly all the immigrant Hindus
and most Muslims left the country while the Chittagonian
Bengalis stayed behind to carry out their base agenda, who
were inspired by the Islamic nationalism which called into
being the Muslim nation of Pakistan in former British India.

In the years immediately following the end of the Second
World War, and as Burma neared the day of independence,
hence at the prospect of statehood for the Rakliaings, their
ancestral land was convulsed by the impact of Islamist

Preface 1 5

belligerency effectuated by alien Chittagonians, who branded
as "The Mujtahid" (Allah's Fighters) and, with the support
and directions from abroad, embarked upon a preconcerted
separatist movement, pursuing a dual agenda of
insurrectional and constitutional nature to start up an
autonomous Muslim state, which they schemed to accede to
their former homeland. The insurrectionary tactics having
failed, the disfranchised Chittagonians turned to alternate
option and employer! every trick in the hag to frame an
ostensible reason to endue their demand for the Islamic state.
The initial ruse, which conjured a claim to the Arab ancestry
out of the shipwreck story, was subsequently subverted and
supplanted by equally fabulous accounts laying claim to
various origins of ethnicity. The fanciful claim, either
evolving from or in contradiction to the old story, has no
shortage of challenges. Let us now get at the truth of the
befooling claim.

The purpose of this treatise, in a factual study, is to
reveal the real seity of so-called Rohingya, and thus put the
ridiculous claim to the good judgement of the international
community. The author is not a historiographer, nor pretends
his work to a scholarly analysis or scientific accuracy. In due
presentation of his case„ in response to the vicious
speculations generated by the Islamist separatists, the author
avails himself of the official records, such as The British
Imperial Gazetteer, Burma Gazetteer, Burma and Bengal
Censuses, and the works of noted British historians, which
served as the benchmarks for writers and journalists alike,
who were guided by professional ethics. As a matter of
fact, the internationally acclaimed English scholars-cum-
administrators number among those who are considered as
the undisputed authority on the history of Rakhaing, or
Arakan as it is referred to, and its inhabitants through their

1 6 Preface

intimate knowledge of the land on the strength of extensive
historical researches and archeological works carried out by
them who served in the Imperial British Administration and
involved with Burma, and especially Rakhaing. Unlike the
self-asserting apologists and amateurish publicists of today,
let alone the so-called Muslim historians, the noted scholars
had no reasons to be governed by egocentric motives*
looking for a quid pro quo, to serve the interests of one
group or the other of the subject peoples. The names of
historical places and people, other than those known locally,
are quoted as appeared in the works of eminent scholars,
whom the author acknowledges his deep indebtedness.

PART ONE
RACES AND TRIBES

Rakhaing., as it is today,, was inveterately under populated
in the past, relative to over crowded East Bengal. To make
the matters worse the racially and culturally homogeneous
land was almost depleted by the Burmese upon their
conquest. When the British took over Rakhaing from the
Burmese in 1 825, it was a land of depopulation; fewer than
one hundred thousands of the indigenous residents were
reported to he found there. The Akyab District, formerly the
center of Rakhaing monarchy, was the most desolated.

John OgiLvy Hay, J. P., (Formerly Honorary Magistrate
of Akyab) states:

It is well known that then Arakan and
Tenasserim came to our possession they were
so depopulated, and so unproductive, that it
was seriously deliberated whether they should
not be restored to Burrnah. In Arakan the
population was estimated at about 100,000
souls. These are indigenous inhabitants; ....

However, as the country became settled under the
British rule the exiled Rakhaings returned from Bengal to the
native land in waves, who had been forced out by the
Burmese or who escaped during the first Anglo-Burmese
war, which ended the calamitous rule of Burmese tyrants,

Phayre writes:

Numbers of descendants of those who fled in
troublous times from their country and settled
in the southern part of Chittagong, the islands
of the coast, and even the Sunderbuns of
Bengal are gradually returning; and during

17

1 8 Rohingya Hoax

the north-east monsoon boats filled with men,
women and children, with all their worldly
goods, maybe seen steering south along the
eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal to return to
the land of their fathers abandoned thirty or
forty years before. They have told me that in
their exile the old men used to speak with
regret for its loss, of the beauty of their
country, the fertility of the land, which
returned a hundredfold, the heavy ears of
rice, the glory of their kings, the former
splendour of the capital, the pagodas, and the
famous image of Gotama, now carried away
(a gigantic of brass carried off by the Burmese
to Ava, where it is now ) from the sacred
Mahamuni temple near old Arakan, the
former capital, with which the fortunes of

■ 4

the country were mdissolubly united.

At no point of time in the past ? either in the era of
Rakhaing monarchy or the Burmese occupation of the
country, was there documented in the historical ingredients
existence of a group of Muslims in the name of Rohingya in
Rakhaing, nor was there a clan by that name registered in the
official documents prevailing during the British rule of the
land. The records of the Imperialist British Administration
show the principal races, tribes and castes, with the
composition of population, in the Akyab District.

Akyab District Gazetteer, 1906:

Indigenous Races
Arakanese ( 239649 ) ? Burmese (35751), Kamis
(11595 ), Mros (10074),Chins (9415),Daingnets
( 3412 ), Chaungthas ( 247 ) and Thets ( 232 ).

Non-indigenous Races
British ( 209), Eurasians ( 158 ), Chinese ( 439 ),
Shaikhs (152074) s Saiyyads(l254), Pathans(126),

Races and Tribes 1 9

Zakbadis(l 08), other Muslmans (1325), Sudras
(6016), Kayasths( 2888), Uriyas( 625), Brahmans
(398), Chatris ( 377), Dhobis ( 263 ), Waddars
(233), Nats ( 226), Burua Maghs (165 ), Cherries
(164), Dams (143), Malas (142 ), Marabans (125)
Banias (1 14 ) and other Hindus Castes ( 2 104). 5

The British Imperial Gazetteer:

Of races, the Arakanese (239,600) showed the
highest aggregate in 1 90 1 . The Burmans were
only 35,800 in number, the Kamis 1 1,600, the
Mros 10,100, and the Chins 9,400. The three
last are hill tribes who inhabit the north and
east of the District. Other indigenous tribes

are Dafngnets (3,400) and the

Chaungthas (250) and Thets (230)..... .The

greater part of the non-Arakanese element is
foreign. More than 150,000 inhabitants are
Bengalis or the offspring of Bengalis, from the
adjacent District of Chittagong.

The statement of 1872 J 901 and 1911 Censuses:

Races 1872 1901 1911

Hindu 2,655 14,455 14,454

Mahomedan 58,255 154,887 178,647

Burmese 4,632 35,751 92,185

Arakanese 171,612 239,649 209,432

Shan 334 80 59
Chin, Taungtha,

KhamLDaingnet 38,577 35,489 34,020

Others 606 1.355 1.146

Total 276,671 481,666 529,943 7

The above official records bear testimony to the non-
existence of a Muslim race, called Rohingya, in the land of
Rakhaing at any time. The falsehood of their claim is clearly
evident. It will further be noted in our discussion.

WHO ARE THEY?

Stripped of the preposterous claim, the so-called
Rohingya are not the descendants of Arab castaways, but
generations of Chittagonian Muslims migrated from Bengal
during the British rule of Burma. Racially, the dark-skinned
individuals belong to the ethnic group of adjacent Bengali
land, who are referred to by the generic term Dravidians.
Demographically, the alleged Rohingya, who represent a
segment of the Muslim community in Burma, lived almost
entirely in the Rakhaing state, gathering in the border area of
the northwest corner of the region, which is the projected
territory of the emulous Islamic enclave. The bulk of
purported Rohingya are illiterate. They are rural peasants and
manual workers. Over them in the leadership position are a
sprinkle of tall and fair-skinned Punjapis, Sindhis„ Palhans
and the likes, likewise immigrants from the British days, who
exploited the working class and elevated to landowners,
entrepreneurs and civil servants. This influent and affluent
group is exclusively urban, with little contact among the
great majority of rustic Dravidian stock. Being the elite of
the Muslim society and ambitious politicians, the educated
few are the brain capable of conceiving and directing the
efforts of the separatist movement. All of the professed
Rohingya, regardless of the colour of skin, speak the Bengali
dialect of the Chi tta gong District in East Bengal. Older
generations, who received their education in undivided India,
speak fluent Urdu, the national language of Pakistan.
Considering the inherent mastery of the non-Dravidian few
who maintained implicit loyalty to Pakistan, over the agrestic
majority who attached explicit sentiment to the Bengali
roots, one cannot help from recalling the racially complex
political situation and the government machinery of old
Pakistan where the Urdu speaking minority West Wing
bossed the larger Bengali East. Apparently, the legacy will
continue to linger on in the self-styled Rohingya community.

20

Who Are They? 2 1

C.E. Lucas Phillips, a Brigadier General in the British
Fourteenth Army, who fought on the Arakan front during the
Second World War, clarifies who the fictive Rohingya are:
Arakan is a province of Burma that has a
character all its own."
The two main strains of the population,
mutually hostile, divided by race, language
and religion, were of Muslim and Buddhist
persuasions respectively. The Buddhists, to
whom the term b Arakan ese' was in these
parts especially applied, belonged to a tribe
or strain known as Maughs or Mughs.
The Muslims had their origin in the district
of Chittagong, in the Bengal province of
British India, and all Muslims, whether
natives of Arakan for generations or recent
immigrants, were known as Chittagonians,
or in the British forces, as 'CFs'. ,.,
A bewildering babel of languages was
spoken by these people. The Arakanese
spoke a dialect of Burmese, but the
Chittagonians stuck to the Bengali of their
homeland, but, if educated, spoke Urdu
as well.

Given the striking similarity of ethnographical pattern
between the fictitious Rohingya and the people of East
Bengal, they are undoubtedly akin to each other, belong to
the same stock, adhere to the same religious creed, speak the
same dialect and remain wedded to the same cultural mores
of the District of Chittagong, All the same, the alien
Chittagonian Bengalis beguiled the general public into
believing them a new race distinctive from their brethren in
the Bengali land for the simple reason that they happened to
be illegally residing in someone's backyard, which borders
on thetr homeland.

22 Rohingya Hoax

The perfect example is the Mexican immigrants in the
United State of America, who speak Spanish, belong to the
same ethnicity, profess the same religion and share the same
set of culture patterns with their folk in Mexico. They have
never claimed, nor will they ever be recognized as a people
racially different from the Spanish stock in Mexico just
because they are on the other side of the common border and
known as Latinos. The same goes with the Bengali Muslims
whether they live in the Rakhaing state or the abutting
Muslim nation, who are known as Kula (Pali term for the
alien race) to the Rakhaings or Chsttagonians to the British,
or by whatever names of figment they hankered after, they
are no different from the people of their old country,
racially, linguistically and culturally. For that matter the
Rakhaings or Arakan-ese, who are contemptuously called
Maghs (smearing racial slur) by the Bengalis, are not
different peoples in view of the fact that they are known by
different names, whether they live in Rakhaing proper, or in
exile in various parts of the Bengali land, unmitigated
racially and culturally, whose forefathers fled their native
land upon the Burmese invasion.

THE DNA DIAGNOSIS

The Chittagonian secessionists attempted to make a
fool of their origin, who claimed to be the hybrid race of
Arabs, supposedly different from the Bengalis. As we have
discussed in the preceding chapter their claim conclusively
contravened the historical and official records. It was only a
contrivance to politicize the separatist movement and thus to
consolidate their influence on the wrangling demand for a
free Islamic state for the illegal immigrant Muslim minority.

A viable solution to the issue of biological blending of
the so-called Rohingya is not far to seek as to whether they
are of Arab descent or of Bengali origin. The documentary
evidence, which disproved their claim, can now be attested
by the scientific breakthrough. It all comes down to the
DNA diagnostic evidence. The question whether or no
genetic connection to the people of adjoining Bengali land
can be decided if the fictitious Rohingya have gut to put
themselves to an official DNA diagnostic test; hence, the
establishment of their true ethnicity. An ideal case in point
is the African Americans; a good deal of their roots has been
traced, with the help of the modern DNA technology, back to
various ethnic groups, in Africa Further fllomg, it was the
DNA diagnosis that established genetic connections of the
American Indians to the natives of Siberia, whose ancestors
migrated into Americas some 20,000 years ago. The same
scientific techniques also identified genetic link between the
vanished peoples, Phoenicians and Canaanites.

Since the scientific method is at one's disposal to
help verify the genetic characteristics of a people, it is not
difficult to ascertain who the pretended Rohingya are and
wherein they originated. The exponents of new-fangled ideas
about the ancestry of Active Rohingya are expected to trade

23

24 Rohingya Hoax

upon the 21 sl century DNA technology and vindicate their
claim so that the individual hereditary characteristics of self-
styled Rohingya aTe determined whether the exponentially
proliferated Muslims in the Rakhaing state are Bengali in
flesh or Arab in blood,

A matter of interest is that the British colonialists,
who ruled Burma as part of the Indian Empire, distinguished
the Indian immigrants from the Burmese citizens by means
of smallpox vaccination marks; the former inoculated in the
right arm and the latter in the left, which may still be visible
on the older generations of nominal Rohingya.

PART TWO

THE CHITTAGONIAN INFLUX

The infiltration of Chittagonian Bengalis into the land
of Rakhaing spreads out like water on a blotter. Owing to
geographical contiguity Rakhaing has long been the harbour
of massive illegal Chittagonian immigration from across the
border since the British colonial days. It all began with the
occupation of the land by the British, who ceded it under the
Treaty of Yandabo (1826) to the Presidency of Bengal,
which had its headquarters at Chittagong. Being a trading
enterprise the British East India Company promoted the rice
industry in Rakhaing and a large numbers of cheap labourers
were imported from the Chittagong District. A high level of
the inflow of Chittagonian immigrants has historical records.
Hay states:

In 1855 the population of Arakan had
increased about 366,310,-- ■■ The vast increase
was chiefly due to immigration from
provinces now under British rule, giving
unequivocal testimony in favour of British
Government and institutions.

The spate of Chittagonian immigration was reported
in The Burma Gazetteer by R.B. Smart, who was (Deputy
Commissioner) Settlement Officer of the Akyab District:
The labourers from Chittagong come partly by
the direct steamers of the British Indian Steam
Navigation Company to Akyab, by Messrs.
Turner, Morrison and Company*s steamers to
Maungdaw, by the Arakan Flotilla steamers
down theNaaf to Maungdaw or just across the
Naaf into the Maungdaw township. Large
numbers also come by boat from Chittagong
ports to engage in the carrying trade. A few
boatmen from the Madras and Bombay coasts
are also to be met with.

25

26 Rohingya Hoax

Friend of India and Statesman states:

About a tenth of the population of Chittagong

migrate annually to Arakan, where the

demand for labour is much greater than
at Chittagong;... I3

Arakan News, August 4, 1877, avers:

Then, again, Chittagong has an over-
abundance of population - say 487 to the
square mile-while Arakan has only about 24
to the square mile. The former can not find
employment or raise sufficient means to pay
their highly rated revenue, 'and about a tenth
of the population of Chittagong migrate
annually to Akyab, where the demand for
labour is much greater than at Chittagong;'
thus the trade of Akyab helps to pay the

taxes of Chittagong, At present it is the

interest of the Commissioner of Chittagong
to encourage this, as by the earnings of his
people migrating to Akyab he has less
difficulty in realizing his revenue.

1881 Burma Census, Arakan Division describes:
It will be noticed in the above statement that
76 per cent of the resident population of
Akyab are natives of the District, while 18.6,
Chiefly Chittagonians, are from Bengal. 15

Burma Census, 1872, describes:

In the Akyab District, including, as it does,
the busy seaport town of the same name with
a population of 19, 000, the proportion in the
total population is 86.76 females to every 100
males. This disparity is accounted for by the
large yearly immigration from India of male
labourers ( the collector of Chittagong says

The Chittagonian Influx 27

there are annually 15,000 emigrants from
Cox's Bazar alone to Arakan). The population
among Buddhists is 90 females to every 100
males, while among Mohomendans (who form
about 20 per cent of the population of that
District) the proportion is 79,91 to every 100.

16

1872 British Bengal Census mention?:

Passing to the Chittagong Division, it is not
surprising to find an excess of 55,000
females in Chittagong. Chittagong is the
district which mainly supplies lascars or
native sailors for vessels trading in Indian
waters, it also supplies Arracan with labour

17"

during the cold season.

Burma Gazetteer notes:

Since 1879, immigration has taken place on a
much larger scale and descendants of the
slaves are residents, for the most part, in
the Kyauktaw and Myohaung townships.

Smart gives the number of Chittagonians who settled
in each township of the Akyab District as of 191 1 :
Akyab township: The Arakan ese are in the minority

in this Locality, no less than 60 percent being

Natives of India, mostly Chittagonians,
Akyab town: The population is mixed, comprising
Buddhists ( J 2, 864, chiefly Arakanese ),
Hindus and Mahommedans, notably Bengalis
from the Chittagong coast (24,103) and
other denominations ( 926 ).
Rathedaung township : The Chittagonians in the
township so far number only 10,718, out of

7 1

the total population of 56,789.
Angumaw: The village has a population of
1,107, of whom 434 are Chittagonians.

28 Rohingya Hoax

Atet-nanya: The village has a population of

1,051, and about 600 are Chittagonians.
Kudaung: The population of the village is 1 >679 T

with a few Chittagonians.
rvlyinbu: The village has a population of 1,156,

with a few Chittagonians.
Pethadu; The village has a population of 1,295,

of whom 200 are Chittagonians.
Ponnagyun township: The population is 51,805,

only 1,905 are Natives of India. "
Pauktaw township: The Native of India population

is only 4,341 out of 45,350. 23
Sindamaw: The village's population of 1,832 is

predominantly Chittagonians.
Minbya township: It has a population of 47,795,

of whom 5,619 are Natives of India.
Kyauktaw township: Out of a population of 55,280,

Chittagonians and other Natives of India

number about 20,000. 2S
Apaukwa: Out of a population of 1,003 in the

village, about one-half are descendants

of the early Chittagontan settlers.
Kyaningan: A village of 1,045 residents, and

all are Chittagonians.
Thayettabin: Out of a population of 1,447

souls, 550 are Mahoniedans.
Kyauktaw town: It has a population of 2,494,

of whom 478 are Mahomedans.
Larnutabin; The village has 1,013 residents,

and most of them arc Chittagonians.
Paiktheywa: The village has a population of

1,200; seventy-five per cent of whom

are Chittagonians, descendants from the

early settlers.

The Chlttagonian Influx 29

Shwepya: The village's population of 1,876

is almost entirely Chittagonians, the

offspring of early settlers.
Taungdaung Hay a: The Chittagonians number
874 out of a total of the village's

population of 1,016.
Myohaung township: The Chittagonians are to

be found scattered over the whole township.
Kyaukkyat: The village's population is 1,094,

and most of whom are Chittagonians.
Myohaung: The population is 2,882, of whom

Natives of India number only 434.

Buthidaung township: Out of a total population

of 63,679, no less than 33,850 or 53 per

cent are Chittagonians, 29
Badaga : The village has & population of 2,254,

of whom 1,308 are Chittagonians .
Buthidaung: Out of 1,123 residents, about one

third are Natives of India.
Gwazon : The village has a population of

1,287, half of them are Chittagonians.
Migyaunggyi : The village's population of

1,616 is purely Chittagonians.
Paungdawbyin : The village has a population

of 1,081, all Chittagonians.
Dodan : Out of 1,436 residents in the village,

two-third are Chittagonians,
Phonnyoleik: The village has a population of

2,301, and 1,592 are Chittagonians.
Sangotin : The village has 1,016 residents,

and one-half of them arc Chittagonians.
Seinhmyinhya: The majority of village's

1,145 residents are Chittagonians.
Sudaung: There are 1,249 residents in the

village, all Chittagonians.

30 Rohingya Hoax

Tetminchaung; All the residents of the village,
numbering 1,110, are Chittagonians,

Theindaung : The village has a papulation of
1,002, most of whom are Chittagonians.

Zaditaung : All 1,259 residents of the village
are Chittagonians.

Maungdaw township: The population is 13 1,134,
giving a density of 230 per square mile, the
highest in the district. Of the total population
no less than 77 per cent are Chittagonians.

Aseikkya : The village has a population of

1,453, mostly Chittagonians.
Baguna : The village's population of 1,588 is

almost entirely Chittagonians,
Gotcha urg : The village has a population of

1,294, most residents are Chittagonians.
Indin : The village has a population of 1 ,240,

more than half are Chittagonians.
Intula : Out of a population of 1 ,03 1 in the

village, one-third are Chittagonians.
Kamaungseik : The village has a population of

1,904, mostly Chittagonians.
Labawza : The village has a population of

1,403, all of whom are Chittagonians.
Lamgthe : The village has a population of

1,667, most are Chittagonians.
Maungdula: The village's population of 1,076

is entirely Chittagonians.
Laungdon : The village has a population of

1064, mostly Chittagonians.
Maunghnama : Most of 1,095 residents of the

the village are Chittagonians.
Mingalagyi: All residents in the village are

Chittagonians, numbering 1,253.

The Chittagonian Influx 31

Myinhlut: The village has a population of

1,815, most are Chittagonians.
MyoLhugyi: The village has a population, of

1,763, mostly Chittagonians.
Ngakura: The village has a population of 2, 174,

mostly Chittagonians.
Nyaungchaung: The village has a population

of 1,078, all are Chittagonians.
Pandawbyin; The village has a population of

1 ,304, the majority are Chittagonians.
Saingdaung: All of the village's population,

numbering 1,551 are Chittagonians.
Satonbok: All 1,009 residents are Chittagonians.
Shweza: The village has a population of

1,397, mostly Chittagonians.
Maungdaw: It has a population of 2,023, chiefly

Chittagonians and Arakanese,
Tettobyin; The village's population of 1,180

is composed mainly of Chirtagonians.
Thawinchaung : The greater number of 1,031

residents are Chittagonians.
Thazegon: Out of a population of 1,299,

over a thousand are Chittagonians.
Thetkaingnya: The village's population of

1,034 is entirely Chittagonians.
Udaung: The village has a population of

1,581, all Chittagonians.
Ushingya: All 1,013 residents of the village

are Chittagonians,
Yedwingyun: The village's population of

1,130 is made up of Chittagonians.
Yenaukngatha: Out of 1,185 residents, most

of them are Chittagonians.
Zebine-haung: All of the village's population,

numbering 1,156, is Chittagonians.

32 Rohingya Hoax

The excessive inroad of Bengali immigrants took place
during the time when Burma was a province of British India,
Thereupon, the Chittagonians freely flooded the Rakhaing
region in order to meet the great demand of labour for the
rapid expansion of rice cultivation, which promoted the
British commercial in Lures Lb. Even after separation from it,
India remained the chief economic partner of Burma to the
advantage of the British, who turned the dormant alluvial
plains of Rakhaing into granary, which became the potential
source of rice export. The vast majority of migrant Indians
were employed principally in the agricultural sector. Some
were engaged in trade and commerce, and clustered in the
urban trade centers, especially at the ports where capital and
goods accumulated. The port city of Akyab which was built
by the British, rose to a commercial center with British firms
dealing in the rice trade, and became the magnet for the
Chittagonian immigrants.

1872 Burma Census states:

The most northern Division in Arakan, the
chief town of which is Akyab, with a population,
of 19,230, situated at the mouth of Kaladan

River and immigration from the adjoining

district of Cliittagong have contributed to swell
the number of its inhabitants. 33

Rakhaing, the land of forbidden terrain, entirely
depends on the waterways for the sole means of catering the
needs of public transportation. Introduction of the British
steamships further conduced to the increase of Chittagonian
immigrants, who were the core of mercantile marine, plying
inland rivers and the coastal waters.
Burma Gazetteer observes:

The carrying trade, which is practically

confined to waterways, is in the hands chiefly

of Chittagonian boatmen,

The Chittagonicm Influx 33

Prior to the British occupation of Rakhaing there were
some Bengali Muslim settlements of slave labourers in the
township of Mrohaung, formerly Mrauk-U (the last seat of
Rakhaing monarchy), and particularly in the Kyauktaw
township.

Burma Gazetteer describes;

The Arakan kings in former times had
possessions all along the coast as far as
Chittagong and Dacca, and many Mahomedans
were sent to Arakan as slaves. Large numbers
are said to have been brought by M in Raj a-gyi
after his first expedition to Sundeep....

M anri cc Col li s writes :

These men, Moslem residents of the riverine
villages of eastern Bengal, had been kidnapped
by Christian slavers { Portuguese) and sold by
them to the king of Arakan for labour in his
rice fields. 36

All the same, the rice cultivators of slave ancestry,
who settled along the Kaladan River, have long been
absorbed by the Chittagonian arrivals in later times.
To quote Smart:

Chittagonians have made certain villages
on the banks of the Kaladan their home for
generations, and their numbers are constantly
being increased by fresh immigrants.

Speaking of a time gone by, the Rakhaings used to be
proud of the slam (salute) accorded to them by the Bengali
coolies who worked for them:
Phillips notes:

General ly , the Arakanese owned the land and

the Chittagonians tilled it for them.

34 Rohingya Hoax

In process of time the Buddhist Rakhaings, who
owned the land, were pushed out of their homesteads by the
immigrant Chittagnnians.

Smart remarks:

That the Arakanese are gradually being
pushed out of Arakan before the steady
waves of Chittagonian immigration from the
west is only too well known.

The influx from Chittagong is still continuing
gradually driving the natives of Arakan
further east.

Needless to say, almost all of the aforesaid towns
and villages, which originally founded by the native
Rakhaings ( the names speak for themselves ) were
swamped and even taken over by the Chittagonians,
particularly in the Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships.

Smart asseverates:

Maungdaw township has been overrun by
Chittagonian immigrants, Buthidaung is
not far behind and new arrivals will be
found in almost every part of the district. 41

Looking back upon the upsurge of Indian immigration,
Rakhaing was not the only region flooded by the
Chittagonian coolies but the rest of the country, lower Burma
in particular, was profoundly affected by the influx of Indian
labour due to the expansion of economic development by the
British, especially following the opening of the Suez Canal
in 1 869. As part of massive transmigration from the Indian
sub-Continent (which was the keystone of British Empire)
that accompanied the British colonial expansion, Burma had
the greatest Indian impact in all Southeast Asia.

The Chittagonian Influx 35
G.D.E. Hall describes:

At the beginning of the century Indians were
arriving in Burma at the rate of 250,000 a
year, and the number was rising steeply each
year. In 1.927 it touched the peak figure of
480,000. 42

Milton W. Meyer writes:

Indians came to practice professions, engage
in money lending, and provide cheap manual
lahrsr

William E. Curtis notes:

Burma is a part of India for administrative
purpose, but is very different in every respects.
Even the wages are three times as much as
those paid for the same sort of labour in India.
This brings many Hindus across the bay to
work in the rice paddies, upon the other
plantations, and in teak forests.

Frank fi_ Carpenter states:

Rangoon (the capital of Burma) has people of
every nation and almost every tribe of the
Asiatic continent. In its population of nearly

350.000 there arc .,and more than 100,000

Indians from different parts of Hindustan. **

The alarming proportions of Indian immigrants
during the annexation period prompted the Burmese to
demand for immediate full responsible government and
separation from India, and as a result the British authorities
constituted a commission in 1939, with the express purpose
to restrict the Indian immigration. The mandate, however,
was never put into effect as it was swept away by the Second
World War,

3 6 Ro h ingya Hoax

Hall writes:

Faced by increasing Indian immigration and
economic competition, the Burman feared that
his country might one day become a vassal
state of an Indian commonwealth ruled by
Indians.

The tremendous surge of immigrants from the Indian
sub-Continent into Burma is indisputable; for that matter the
process of Cbittagonian migration and the settlement in the
land of Rakhaing, as we have discussed earlier, is a stubborn
fact that cannot be confuted; hence it lays emphasis on the
factuality that the professed Rohingya, who slyly claimed
to be the descendants of Arab castaways, are none other than
generations of immigrant Bengali Muslims, the same people
as their co-religionists living in the Chittagong District. They
both belong to the same ethnicity, and are similar in the
language, culture, habits, social usages and behavioral traits.
Over and above they entirely resemble each other in person,
features and countenance.

PART THREE

THE ISLAMIC POLITICS

The Rohingya stratagem, ostensibly designed to
attain social status, was infused with the Islamic politics
and racial bigotry. The Chittagonian separatist movement
was dedicated to the Islamic nationalism and self-
identification of the Muslims as a political polity, with their
religion and culture intact. On this account, the alien Muslim
minority in the Rnddliist land of Rakhaing were irrevocably
opposed to any measure that would necessarily result in a
majority-Rakhaing rule under the constitution framework of
the Federal Union of Burma, Goaded by the Islamic
separatist ideology of the Muslim League of British India,
and following in the footsteps of Pakistan, which was created
out of Hindu dominant India, the alien Chittagonians
envisaged the opportunity to institute an Islamic state in
Rakhaing. Thereupon, the banner of Islamist secessionist
movement was raised in 1948 in the infancy of nationhood,
through a parallel operation of political and military fronts,
under the leadership of the Muslim Congress, which was
rooted in the Islamic nationalism and Bengali heritage.

Absorbed in the domestic politics in the days of corrupt
practices by the politicians in power, the Muslim activists,
having committed themselves to seeking guarantees for the
rights of a Muslim state, ran for parliamentary candidates
and acquired cabinet portfolios disproportionate to their
numbers. In the same breath the Chittagonian separatists
took up arms against the host country with the
support of external patrons, which gave them fund, arms,
training and sanctuary, especially Pakistan, which was
enthused by the prospect of extending its territory beyond
the eastern border in a bid to establish a greater Islamic

38 Rokingya Hoax

nation. For a period of time the Mujtahid insurgents
threatened to take over the Maungdaw and Buthidaung
townships, and extended menage to the township of
Rathidaung, and even the port city of Akyab, the
administrative center of the region.

In June L951, at the time when the country was hard-
pressed by the multi-colour insurgency and the momentum
of Islamic separatist movement was at its height, the
beleaguered government was blackmailed with a long list of
constitutional demands for the creation of North Arakan Free
Muslim state as detailed in the "Charter of Demands of
Arakan Muslims 1 ' (Appendix-I). The measure was well in
line with the strategy of the Muslim League, which
demanded the constitutional reform of British India that laid
the foundation for Pakistan. As specified in the Charter,
which adopted some of the Fourteen Points of the Muslim
League^ the movement propounded its goal of which was to
bifurcate the Rakhaing land and secure an autonomous
territory for the alien Muslim minority in the frontier area,
separate from the indigenous Rakhaings, hence independent
from the majority rule of the Buddhist.

The Mujtahid separatists explicitly defined the exact
geographical boundaries of the proposed Muslim state,
which would encompass the Maungdaw and Buthidaung
townships, plus part of the Rathidaung township and also
half of Akyab, the administrative seat and port city. The free
Muslim state, slated to he constituted in the status of a
condominium, should have the right to establish its own
defence force, police and security units. Thus was put the
Union of Burma in the gravest state of vulnerability, with the
profound effect on the defence, the integrity of territory, the
peace and security. The sovereign nation of Burma will
never ever countenance an Islamic state, under the rule of

The Islamic Politics 39

illegal immigrant Muslims, located right on the common
border with their former homeland, the very Islamic nation,
whereto the Chittagoman secessionists laid a plan to accede.

The illegal immigrant Muslim minority wanted parity
with the Rakhaing majority in defence, administration and
management, with special rights and protection in order to
warrant safeguards. Drawing on the lessons of Pakistan,
which lost the main cities and the great centers of
government of British India on the partition, and perhaps
East Pakistan's imbalance of political representation of the
two wings in the central government of Pakistan, the
Chittagonian separatists laid down in their demand division
of Akyab city into Muslim and non-Muslim zones to be
administered on a fifty-fifty basis, with priority being given
to Muslim co-administrators of higher rank over the non-
Muslim counterparts in rotation of the term of office. The
Chittagonian Muslims, who were in the pipe dream of
establishing an Islamic state, might have been inflamed by
the ardour of Islamic nationalist movement of the Muslim
League of India; nevertheless, what should be best known to
them is the fact that there exists a striking dichotomy
between the Muslims of India and those in Burma. The
former being local converts, who were essentially native to
the land and entitled to the rights of a territory of their own,
as mandated by the government of British India, whereas the
latter were unlawful foreigners, who had no legal
entitlement to the land. The Muslims in Burma, who other
than illegal immigrants in the post-independence decades,
were a vintage community of transmigration from India, who
were imported by the British without the consent and at the
expense of the natives. They were not indentured labourers
as the Indian citizens brought to South Africa, nor were they
native converts recruited through persuasion as in the case of

40 R oh ingya Hoax

India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, China,
the Central Asia or the Balkan States but an immigrant
community, who are ethnically and culturally distinct from
the indigenous Mongoloid Buddhists.

In the light of retrospection, it is apparent that the
present state of political developments, culminated in peril of
the national security, was resulted from the manner in which
the immigrant Muslims were pandered to by the imprudent
leadership of the defunct political party, who had the least
foresight what grave consequences their country would come
to face for all the blunders. The racist Burmese politicians,
who had inherent contempt for native minorities, adopted an
attitude to embrace the alien Muslims in a measure to open
hostilities towards the intensely nationalistic Rakhaings and
turned against them in every way and by any means, while
placated the Muslims, whose first and foremost objective
was to annihilate the Buddhist Rakhaings, Were it not for
the shortsightedness of unscrupulous politicians of then
ruling party, which was ridden with graft and corruption, the
nation could not be saddled by parasitic alien Muslims
in the years following the national independence. The
shortsighted political leaders, who had to take into account
political demands of the illegal Chittagonian immigrants,
made undue concessions to them. The Muslims enjoyed an
impact disproportionate to their size. The unwarranted
favouritism induced the secessionist Muslims to whet their
political appetites for more power in order to assert and
rectify their stand.

Despite all the privileges the corrupted Burmese
politicians had to offer, the alien Muslims who were
organized more of a religious movement than a political
party, abused the Burmese hospitality and rose in rebellion
without a scintilla of loyalty to the host country where they

The Islamic Politics 4 1

found the good Life. They faithfully followed their instinct
for acting by the dictates of dogged fidelity to their
faith. The religious preferences had great impact on the
political position of the monolithic Muslim community. All
aspects of life were governed by the deeply ingrained faith,
which had effects on their social, economic interests and
business routine,

Insulated by the ethnic cronyism and forbidden by the
religious bigotry the Chittagonian Muslims did not assimilate
into the life of the natives, who were regarded inferior in
fidelity and thus treated as if they were creatures from the
satanic world, The immigrant Chittagonians, who clung on
to the traditions of their former homeland, did not tolerate
the religion of the host country, did not admire native culture
and did not speak the local language ( except the civil
servants few). The irreconcilable differences between race
and religious faith made the two communities, the natives
and foreigners, diametrically opposed to each other, with no
inter-relations whatsoever. Enthralled by the insular Islamic
culture and the aspiration for secession the self-proclaimed
Rohingya answered to the description of a foreign entity.
They looked always towards their co-religionists abroad,
particularly their brethren of the old country, whereto they
pledged aLlegiance. From the national perspective, the
religiously motivated Mujtahid-turned-Rohingya separatist
movement, which resorted to violence and bloodshed in
order to seize power and establish an Islamic colony, was a
brazen betrayal to the host country.

THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD

In order to understand the objective and aspiration of
the Mujtahid-turned-Rohingya separatist movement, it is
necessary to retrace back to the history and strategy of the
Muslim League of British India. At the meeting of the
League, which was held at Lahore in March 1940, its leader
MnhamiYiftd Ali Jinnah declared that Muslims "must have
their homelands, their territory and their State. " 47
Subsequently, a resolution was passed calling for creation of
autonomous and sovereign Muslim states in areas where the
Muslims were majority, which were to be welded together
into a single Muslim nation. A stir of excitement passed
over beyond India's borders. Driven by the inflammatory
rhetoric of Jinnah, and modeled on tactics of the League, the
Muslim leaders, who attended the Lahore conference and
met with Jinnah, have ever since been agitating for a Muslim
state in the northern part of Rakhaing, separate from the
native majority in much a replica of Pakistan.

To all intents and purposes, inspiration they drew from,
strategy they employed and tactics they patterned after, all
marked the Mujtahid separatist movement, a by-product of
the nationalist movement of the Muslim League , which gave
birth to Pakistan, wherefrom the Bengalis estranged on the
ground of language and cultural differences. It was the
support of Pakistan that sustained the Mujtahid insurgency
all that long before it was finally put to rout. Being the
driving force behind the separatist movement and the
sanctuary, Pakistan refused to extradite the fugitive Mujtahid
ringleader, Abdul Kassim, who along with most military
operatives and political activists sought refuge in then East
Pakistan, while a few of the rank and file surrendered to the
Burmese authorities as part of an amnesty offered in the
early 1960V

42

The Muslim Brotherhood 43

At the birth of Bangladesh it picked up the clandestine
business from where Pakistan left off. A serious plot to elicit
a full-blown insurrection through out Burma and thus to
overthrow the government, was discovered in 1977.
Bangladesh and Libya were covertly involved in the
conspiracy. Such were the sequence of events that the failed
subversive attempt led the government, which took alarm to
the event, to mop up local conspirators, having refurbished
the national registration which, however, on being instigated
by the Muslim fom enters, aroused panic fear among the alien
Chittagonians, and hence touched off the exodus to their
former homeland.

The Calcutta Journal, Frontier describes:

The Rohingya movement drew attention when
in April 1978 Burma launched Operation Naga
Min to push the Rohingya 5 Into Bangladesh
after that country through its military attache'
in Rangoon along with Libyan assistance
sought to foment a full-scale rebellion and
perhaps ultimate annexation by Bangladesh of
Arakan areas in Burma. It seems that at the
last moment General Zia reverted to a neutral
stand signaling the collapse of Bangladeshi
adventure. In fact, the Rohingyas have received
low level support from across the border ever
since 194& when they expressed their desire to
join their Muslim brothers as part of Pakistan.

The Operation Naga Min, which became victim of
smear campaign as repressive action against the minority
Muslims, was very convenient for the Muslim manipulators
politically to rally international opinion around them. No
government of any sort, democratic or otherwise, is expected
to condone such an internationally concocted act of
deliberate subversion committed against the nation, which

44 Rohingya Hoax

endangered its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Thus
was the abortive subversion yet another faggot added to the
fire of mistrust about the good neighbourliness of the
Muslim nation. To the Bengali State, there has hardly been a
notable detente with its neighbours. Apart from the
unfriendly conduct against Burma, it got entangled itself in
an altercation with India, which helped it secure
independence from Pakistan. It was the Bengali nationalism
that sparked up former East Pakistan to fight for freedom
from the dominant West Wing and consequently established
a secular nation which, however, was transformed into an
Islamic State, embracing the Islamic nationalism with the
infectious result that there mushroomed some 64,000
madrasas, and generated a great number of Islamic
fundamentalists, whose influence on the local politics would
further erode its relations with the countries next door.

To make the matters worst, a new breed of Mujtahid
found hospitable home in Bangladesh, whose advent to
national independence incited them to reactivate the
decadent Mujtahid separatist movement under disguise. The
extremist Rohingya Solidarity Organization, the Arakan
Rohingya National Organization and the Arakan Rohingya
Islamic Front received protection of the government and
moral support of the general public, especially the press
which made favourable campaign for the cause of the
Chittagonian separatists. Other than Bangladesh, the
Mujtahid-rurned-Rohingya enjoyed support of the
governments and/or radical Islamic groups of Pakistan,
Jammu and Kashmir of India, Libya, Afghanistan, Indonesia
and Malaysia. Dr. Ahmad Kamal, a leader of the separatist
movement, was given refuge in Malaysia and became
politically active in connivance of the Malaysian Islamic
Youth Movement. Also distinctively implicated in the
intrigue were Saudi Arabia, the mainstay of global network

The Muslim Brotherhood 45

of Islamic fundamentalism, (where the Mujtahid
separatists had an office in Riyadh), and the Organization of
the Islamic Conference. Capitalizing on the situation
stemmed from the Bengali refugee crisis, which was blown
out of proportion, Saudi Arabia's Prince Haled ben Sultan
ben Abd el-Aziz, commander of his country's unit in the
1991 Gulf War, on his visit to Bangladesh called upon the
United Nations Organization to take measures against Burma
similar to the military action against Iraq.

The best of the joke is that Burma did not invade
Bangladesh or any nation; on the contrary it was the victim
of concerted subversion, ganged up on by the radical Islamic
nations, which were devoted to the achievement of global
Islamization. The fact of the matter is that the Gulf War,
occasioned by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, was initiated by the
United States primarily to defend Saudi Arabia which,
however, in the name of jihad, was deeply involved in the
September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the country that had
given protection to the kingdom in the fulfillment of its
obligation to an ally. It was the worst enemy attack on the
American soil in the nation's history. Amazingly, Saudi
interior minister Prince Nayef expressed, in November 2002,
his doubt about the attacks being carried out by the 19 youths
( 17 were Saudis ), or Osama bin Laden or al-Qaeda, but
posited that the Zionists were behind these events. It
seems ridiculous that even Osama bin Laden *s own media
outlet, the Pakistan-based al sahaab produced a film, The
Nineteen Martyrs, which featured the martyrdom wills of
several terrorists, who carried out September 11, 2001
attacks. Saudi Arabia, which was in large part the source of
manpower and financial support to global networks of
Islamic extremism, earned Washington's enmity, and it was

46 Rohingya Hoax

still under intense scrutiny in the United States. That the
kingdom continued to abet the international terrorism was
asserted by the United States Senate in the Saudi Arabia
Accountability Act 2€05.

The Muslims are governed by the herd instinct and
united in fighting those who do not support Islam.
Proliferated into a conglomeration of terrorists, who took to
heart the fanatic vow to commit mass killing, the Muslim
extremists, regardless of nationality and race, acted against
the infidels in pack and co-ordination. A case in point is the
Afghan war of the 1980s against the Russian occupiers, in
which the local Taliban fighters were backed by the co-
religionists from different sects and various parts of
the world, irrespective of ethnicity and national origin
including the governments, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran,
who otherwise are opposed to each other. Apparently,
history repeats itself. The same spirit of Muslim brotherhood
once again brought together the jihadists from across the
globe and fought against the Western coalition in Iraq and
the NATO forces in Afghanistan.

DEMOGRAPHIC ISLAMIZATION

The sphere of Islamization is intensified by the
demographic inroad, infused with political manipulation.
The Chittagonian influx is the most efficacious effort in the
process to fulfill the long-range objective of Islamization.
The entire process of Chittagonian infiltration is not only a
concerted effort, but also a destined action to gain
demographic control, which was consolidated through a plan
to eliminate the natives, and as a result the Buddhist
Rakhaings in the border area of Maungdaw and Buthidaung
townships became a virtual minority, who felt threatened to
the very existence in their ancestral land. The growing
Chittagonian immigrants, who were gaining strength, vented
their hatred against the Rakhaings. The elimination of
Rakhaings was so effectively executed in the unsettled state
of the nation during the years immediately before and after
the national independence.

The 1942 ethnic cleansing of Buddhist Rakhaings
perpetrated by the Muslims was the most horrible barbarity
recorded in the contemporary Rakhaing history. When the
British Administration collapsed after the Japanese invasion
of Burma in the wake of the Second World War, the
Muslims who were governed by religion fanaticism and
racial enmity, made good of the demographic control of the
impinged area by ruthless and wholesale extermination of
almost all the Rakhaings in 195 villages in the Maungdaw
township alone, not to mention the numbers of doomed
Rakhaings in the township of Buthidaung. Village after
village went up in flames. The inhabitants, regardless of sex
and age, were butchered without compunction. The
Rakhaing population was further reduced by heinous acts of
atrocity committed by the barbaric Mujtahid rebels upon the
few who had escaped the 1942 blood bath, and were

47

48 Roh mgya Hoax

resettled in 1946 at their former villages, having them
repatriated from the refugee camp at Dinajpur in East
Bengal. The war of attrition, which had claimed tens of
thousands of lives, left permanent scars of the Islamic
juggernaut. Having exterminated the great number of
Rakhaitigs, the resident Chinagonians and land hungry
Bengalis who poured from across the border illegitimately
clutched at the Rakhaing property, their inherited lands. The
alien Chittagonian Muslims who strewed all over the two
townships, did not want the displaced Rakhaings reestablish
in their own places, nor were they prepared to return the
sto len lands to the rightful owners.

In the aftermath of the Second World War the tactics of
infiltration was innovated upon a propaganda apparatus
carried out by the Bengali chapter of the Jamaat-i-Ullah, by
which young Bengali males were induced to migrate into
Burma with the fundamental object of seizing power
(Appendix -II). The Bengalis illegally crossed the unguarded
porous border at will taking advantage of the precarious
situation imputed to an all-out insurrection through out the
cnufitry.
Meyer states:

A common boundary existed with East Pakistan,
and with a Muslim minority in adjoining
Arakan, there was some illegal immigration

49

from the over populated neighbour.

The government was unable to effectively maintain
law and order in the Muslim infested area as the Mujtahid
bandits, who smuggled the Chittagonian Muslims into and
rice out of the region, were in control of the outlying stretch
of the borderland. The price paid for the Mujtahid
insurgency was too high to bear politically, socially and
economically.

Demographic, islamization 49

The illegal immigrant Muslims in the Rakhaing state,
including the refugees, who fled East Pakistan during the
1971 civil war which gave birth to Bangladesh, herded
together in the border area, interacting with their cognates
in the adjacent Muslim nation. They fostered a feeling of
infringement, yet gambled on living with uncertain future.
It was precisely the very conscience of guilt that prompted
the alien Chittagonians to track back to their former
homeland whenever there was a census undertaken nation
wide. Nevertheless, such administrative routines were
exploited to incite complaints about the racial discrimination
against, and religious persecution of the Muslims, which
provoked sensational reaction of the Muslim nations, and
captured the attention of a miscellaneous lot of civil
liberalists in the West.

The immigration regulations and security measures
resorted to in coping with the illegal Chittagonian
immigrants were subject to carping criticism. The general
public was more responsive to the Muslim propaganda,
without taking into account the root cause of the problem,
and how it was manipulated. They were not frilly aware of
all the facts behind the invidious publicity generated by a
cabal of political manipulators, who craftily diverted the core
issue of illegal Chittagonian immigration into the instigated
refugee crisis, and the Muslim separatist movement into
Islamic resistance. Rebellion against the country by the
illegal immigrant Muslims who demanded to set up a free
Islamic state which they pledged to incorporate with their
home land was lost in the astute camouflage of religious
persecution, racial discrimination and human rights
violations. In an effort to misrepresent actual events they
floated a flurry of speculations about the condition of
Muslims so that the onus of miseries arisen from the dirty
Islamic politics would rest with Burma.

50 Rohingya Hoax

To the advantage of political leverage, the Chittagonian
separatists used the grubby tactics in order to depict the host
nation look like villain. The general public, especially the
West, who conflated all issues related to the Muslims with
the military dictatorship and racism, seemed to be entirely
destitute of good feeling towards Burma. The citizens of
Burma, who have a strong view of the military rule,
however, are devoted to the cause of national security, and
committed to the general principles of primary loyalty to
their own nation. The Westerners, who were all too willing
to believe in what was procreated by the Chittagonian
sepaiatists, should open their eyes to reality. It might well be
within one's grasp how a nation in either hemisphere would
react if it were in Burma's shoes, where the illegal Muslim
immigrants from the adjacent nation made efforts by hook or
by crook to establish an Islamic state in the area bordering
their homeland, aided and abetted by the radical Muslim
nations, which shared the centuries- old Islamic inspiration to
bring the entire world under the umbrella of Islam, and were
willing to fight for the attainment of it. There is a legitimate
fear of an Islamic take over of the country.

Much has been voiced and written in the West, disputing
the alleged mistreatments of the illegal immigrant Muslims
in Burma, despite a current rumpus in their own world to
defend against the threat of Islamic encroachment. It is
appropriate to make a reference regarding the domestic
policies of some countries, which were once swarmed with
the Indian nationals imported by the British imperialists,
such as Fiji which adopted a new constitution favouring the
indigenous Fijians over the descendants of Indian labourers,
and Malaya legalized preferences for the ethnic Malay
majority over the Chinese and Indian immigrants. In East
Africa, Uganda expelled all its 45,000 Asians. Tanzania
slaughtered thousands of Arabs, and nationalized farms.

Demographic 'Islam 'nation 51

The West is not entirely exonerative of racism and
the discriminatory immigration policies. Past and present
events give evidence of fact. The United States, a nation of
immigrants, has been expediently struggling with the
immigration issue. In the aftermath of fhe devastating
terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States
promulgated the Patriot Act and laid down enactment in
order to strengthen the national security and safety of its
borders, and boasted surveillance of militant Islamists. In the
past anti- immigration measures were adopted, such as the
Chinese Exclusion of 1868-82 and the Japanese/Korean
Exclusion of 1906-24. Australia, which was founded by the
British settlers, enforced its racially discriminatory
immigration policies until 1973. Europe, which was racked
by scores of terrorist attacks across the continent, tightened
up its immigration regulations at the fear of potential
demographic dominance by the growing immigrant Muslim
population, the likely source of home grown Islamist
terrorists.

Some nations in the West, possibly ridden with guilt
of their own colonial past, seemed to take holier-than-thou
pleasure in passing critical remarks. Perhaps, those countries
which were teemed with immense colonies of immigrant
Muslims, might now realize from their own experience the
difficulties and troubles of Burma, thus its long and
demanding task to contain the illegal immigrant Muslims
who posed the most dangerous threat to the security of the
nation, To get the true nature of Chittagonian immigration
issue, and hence the religiously motivated Mujtahid-turned-
Rohingya separatist movement itself, the Western political
elite must view its development in the context of historical
events and political manipulation that shaped the movement.

52 Rohingya Hoax

The Muslims are social parasites. Persistence in
Islamic ideologies and cultural traditions the Muslim
immigrants generated ethnically homogeneous society,
which is the key to the Islamic colonization of religiously
tolerant and ethnically heterogeneous nations. The flow of
Muslim immigrants swelled the ranks of already massive and
politically combustible Muslim community fostering a threat
to the national security of the non-Muslim world. There is an
enormous growth of immigrant Muslim population in the
West, who ensconced in the native societies, which gave rise
to focus on the danger of impending demographic
dominance. The larger the Muslim community grows, the
better opportunity for them to exert political power and to
inflict Islamic influence.

The specter that haunts the West, obviously the
Western Europe, is the prospect of inexorable demographic
Islamization. As is widely recognized and painfully
bemoaned, the Muslim population, with a high birthrate, is
rapidly gaining upon the demographically declined West for
its anemic birthrate. Composing part of the population,
the Muslim immigrants made up about 3 per cent in Britain,
10 per cent in France, 6 per cent in The Netherlands, 5 per
cent in Germany, and the swollen numbers in other
Western European nations, notabLy Sweden, a country of
some 9 million people, The Muslims comprised about 2
per cent in Canada, and 1 per cent in the United States
(which is about 3 millions). The Guardian columnist
Madeleine Bunting wrote, "The Muslim population in many
European cities will obtain majority within 20 years." In this
context, no one knows for sure if "Londonistan", a mockery
dubbed by British Journalist Melanie Phillips, might become
a reality since London already had more than 700,000
Muslim residents, It is any body's guess about the future of

Demographic Isiamizaiion 53

Paris where the notorious suburb of Argenteuii was heavily
populated by the veiled and robed immigrants, and Berlin
where the Muslim population had grown next to the
Christian community. Amsterdam would no doubt fall into
the ranks.

The non-Muslim world is faced the hard reality of
being deiriographically conquered by the Muslims, Europe
was nicknamed "Eurabia" for its overwhelming Muslim
population. In North America the ever growing Muslim
communities were cloven into secluded colonics across the
continent and the continental United States and Canada
might one day be dotted with the speckles of
autonomous Islamic enclaves, flourished under islamic
aldermen, where no non-Muslims are welcomed ( the land
and property acquired by the Muslims being not revertible
under the Islamic law ) 5 nor the infidel law is enacted, which
is repugnant to the injunction of Islam, but only Shariat is
implemented. In the non-multiethnic colonies no other
religions are allowed to be practised, having converted ail
churches to mosques ( as in the case of the Byzantine
church of Hagia Sophia), which blare the prayer calts of
the muessins five times a day ; where schools are turned to
madarasas, in which no girls are admitted, who are not
allowed to pursue education or a career either; and where
burkas covering is, rigidly enforced as the approved dress
code by fuzzy -bearded, bigamous male chauvinists in
caftans.

ISLAMISM VERSUS NATIONAL SECURITY

Islam offers an affront to other religions and cultures,
having put itself at the highest plane above the rest. It has
become a fearful phenomenon for its inspiration to dominate
the entire human race, with all land and property held in trust
for Allah. Given the swift rise of its culture, Islam is imbued
with expansionism. Geographic penetration of Islam is more
dangerous today than it has been before. Exportation of
Islamic fundamentalism coupled with the increasing inroad
of Muslims poses a threat to the non-Muslim world, raising
the question of national security.

Bound by a fundamental tenet the Muslims are to
wage jihad wars against the infidels in the name of social
justice and justification of radical Islam. In the slogan of
equal rights and independence, the immigrant Muslims
claimed to fight against the alleged racial discrimination and
religious persecution in the host countries of other faiths. It
is against the standards of international norms and morality
to fight for what is verboten in the Islamic world, where the
concept of democracy is a mockery under their insular
religious ideologies; the state of racial persecution and
oppression of religious minorities, including pogroms is the
trade -mark; the practice of brutal repression and human
rights violation is rampant; and the social justice, which
includes women rights, is ever recognized under the dogma
of Islamic faith. The Muslims, who justified jihad wars, are
the last persons on earth who should be critical of others.

The Mujtahid-mrned-Rohingya, who fused religious
revival with the Separatist movement are manipulators, In a
barrage of exaggerated propaganda, which has been
burgeoning in the Internet and outside mainstream media,
Burma was made the bad guy just because it resisted

Isfamlsm v. National Security 55

Islamization. They mounted a successful propaganda
campaign to make their separatist movement a show of
Islamic resistance and struggle against oppression of
Muslims. Aroused by what seemed to be anti-Burma
sentiment, perhaps out of antagonism with the military
regime which responded ferociously to opposition, the social
libertarians in the West, who hummed the tune of Islamist
separatists, painted a much different picture of Burma to
charge it with discrimination against the alien Muslims, with
respect to the administrative measures taken against the
disaffected Chittagonian separatists. Burma's realities called
for actions to strengthen and safeguard its national security,
ridding itself of leeching Islamist secessionists. The civil
libertarians in the West are foolishly reluctant to come to
terms with terrible reality, Burma-bashing, which is now
fashionable, is not only a ticket to gain popularity with the
Muslim world, but also an attempt to delegitimize Burma's
right to self-defence.

When law and order is menaced and the national
security and territorial integrity of a county is at stake,
measures are taken tn enforce security of the nation.
Circumstances rendered the necessity to take measures to
resist the Islamist aggression which, nevertheless, drew
criticism of the West. As a matter of fact, liberty is the
forfeit a nation paid in justification for its security. Evidently
the once delusive West now encountered the same problem
which Burma had long been dealing with, that is, security
versus liberty. The West, where the growing Muslim
communities posed serious problems for domestic security,
was struggling to cope with the hard realities of fevered
Islamism. The stringent security measures were taken against
the radical Islamists following a train of devastating terrorist

56 Rohitigya Hoax

attacks in America and across Europe. While security
measures were being enforced at the expense of liberty,
the paranoiac sophisticates in the West, despite the
legacy of imperialism and history of social injustice in their
own nations, made cynical remarks on the non-Muslim
nations, the victims of Islamic secessionism, in the strain of
morality. They should not venture their volition to impose on
others, shoving liberal idealism down the throat. Socratic
irony is a convenient excuse fur the imperialistic past, so to
speak.

The immigrant Muslims lived at close quarters, as
part of the Islamization strategy, in order for them to acquire
political power and social advancement under the cover of
civil liberty of the host countries. While marking time to
pursue the ordained objective of converting the natives to
Islam they imposed political pressure to demand the rights of
religious minorities and exerted their religious power in the
communal politics. As dictated by the Koran the Muslims
practiced the Islamic philosophy to the exclusion of culture,
language and religious belief of the adopted lands, whose
social and cultural systems, which Islam set itself against,
offered them prosperity and success unattainable in their
old countries. It has become modus operandi of immigrant
Muslims, who virtually opposed to native mores and
integration into the local societies, shamelessly made
political demands to validate insular Islamic jurisprudence
paving the way for governing the local way of life.

In the Charter of Demands of Arakan Muslims, the
Chittagonian separatists set out the Islamic mole of the
proposed Muslim state, calling for the practice of the laws
and principles of Sharia through quasi courts under grand
muftis ( who interpret Islamic laws ); the establishment of a
Statutory Muslim Council ( Majlis Ismalia )» the madrasas

IsJamism v. National Security 57

religious schools and Islamic colleges; and the teaching of
Urdu, Arabic (the canonical tongue of Islam) and Diniyat
(Islamic religious instructions) in al! public schools through
out the country where the Muslim students represent a
sizable number. In fact, for a period of time extending from
the early 1940s- to the early* 60s, the Islamic ritualism was in
full swing in the Maun g daw and Buthidaung townships,
profoundly inflicting adverse effect on the every day life of
the Buddhist Rakhaings.

In the West the trend of Islamization was channeled
through the political intimidation. The Muslims in the United
Kingdom (who had created a Muslim Parliament of Great
Britain ), having put a threat for its support for Israel and
Iraq invasion, demanded in August 2006 to implement the
Shariat as part of an effort to prevent further terrorist attacks
( London having suffered from the 2005 deadly bombing of
its Public Transportation System ),to mark as public holidays
the Islamic religious festivals and to dispense Muslim
schools with state subvention like the Catholic and Jewish
schools. In Germany, which housed 2,300 mosques and
where controversies surrounded on the teaching of Islamic
philosophy in the public schools, the local Islamic Council
demanded in May 2007 to recognize Islam as an official
religion. In France, where radical "garage mosques"
mushroomed, the sheer number of Muslims aroused fears
over the Islamization of schools. In the United States the
demand for school holidays on the occasion of Islamic
religious events was made at the community level, but not
on the national scale as yet. All the same the first Arabic
public school was opened in September 2007 in New York
City, the ground zero of the horrible Islamist terrorist attack,
where at least two Islamic schools were being scrutinized for
the intensive Koranic teaching.

58 Rohingya Hoax

The growing immigrant Muslim communities were
gaining influence on foreign policy issues, and making
assertion in domestic politics. European political leaders had
to take into account political demands of the immigrant
Muslims. Former French President Jacques Chirac said in
September 2006 that the West must avoid every thing that
would spark tension. The European political elite and
intellectuals, who were irrationally conscious of political
correctness, seemed to be intimated by fear of accusation of
Islamophobia and violent reactions by the resident Muslims.
Ed Husain, a convicted Islamist extremist in Britain, said,
"British officials had been too tolerant of Islamic radicalism
taught in universities and mosques during the 1980s and
'90s." Observers across the political spectrum concluded
that the West, which was caught in its own web of
liberalism, put itself under extortion and intimidation of the
Islamic terrorism. Only time will tell the full extent of the
impact of Islam.

Guided by the ideology of superior fidelity the Muslims
are opposed to other cultures. The Muslims are not to
integrate with other systems nor are they to be dominated by
the infidels, but to govern others. The increased Muslim
population, which has long been hostile to the cultures of
adopted countries, poised against the West on the issue
of integration. The spontaneous and persistent veiling
fashion, which the Muslims professed for an expression of
modesty, however, was seen as a powerful symbol to
manifest the Islamic solidarity, fostering a political statement
conducive to the Islamic resistance against the Western
culture and opposition to integration. The futility proved
itself of idealistic policy of the West to integrate the
immigrant Muslims in their own societies, which the
Muslims had forcefully opposed as an offence to the
teaching of the Koran.

Islamism v. National Security 59

Enslaved by the passion of Islamic ideologies, the
bigoted Muslims are indoctrinated to believe (the younger
generations seem to be more susceptible to the whim) that
there are two kinds of peoples, Muslims constituting
Dar-al-Islam and infidels comprising Dar-al-Harb, and that
they are better than the other. Accordingly, they assumed as
of religious right to convert the infidels at the point of the
sword. The deadly Islamic impulsion had afflicted enormous
destruction in the past, which as continued today resulted in
stupendous loss of lives. Violence has been instrumental in
the success of Islam, including iconoclasm. History stands
testimony to the expansion of Islam, through the military
conquest and conversion, expropriating existing pre-religions
and cultures ( Mecca and Ka'ba, including the Black Stone
being pre-Islamic ) from a tiny place called Medina in
Arabia to the extent of present day Muslim world,
composing of 57 countries in three continents, namely, Asia,
Africa and Europe, with a billion plus adherents only next to
the Christendom. The Muslim population continued to grow
and expand unabated in non-Muslim nations across the
globe. Geographical isolation did not hinder the Islamic
expansion. Islam has made headway into Australia, North
and South Americas as far-off place like the Triborder Area
of Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil. The Caribbean is no
exception either. The Muslim population, for that matter the
Islamist terrorists who loathe the non-believers, have
increased numerically and geographically.

In their quest For creating a global caliphate, the
Muslims set no bound to their ardour to extend the Islamic
fundamentalism, which in the process has reduced itself to a
cult of mass murder and suicide. No country, regardless of
its military might, can adequately protect from the danger of
Islam. The emergence of Islamic radicalism is manifestation
of Islamic nationalism, which is instilled and embedded in all

60 Rohingya Hoax

segments and at every level of the Muslim communities
around the world, either Sunni or Shiite, irrespective of
ethnicity or nationality. Mostly the youngei generations are
enthralled by the jihadist motivation, yearning for vacuous
martyrdom and avidly willing to kill indiscriminately. Not
all Muslims are fundamentalists or terrorists but those who
committed unjustifiable mass killing of innocent people are
Muslims either they are associated with the al-Qaeda or
divergent homegrown groups. While every segment of the
Muslim world, especially those Muslims living in the West,
who were indignant at being labelled them as terrorists, none
had the moral sense to denounce the loss of thousands of
innocent lives, which had occurred in places, such as the
American Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, the New York
Twin Towers, the Pentagon Building in Washington, D.C..
the Bah tourist resort and the Public Transportation System
in Madrid, London or Mumbai, including the bombing
aboard a Philippine ferry, the deadly siege of the Beslan
children school in Russia and the Lockerbie bombing. While
the civilized nations around the world condemned the
ruthless massacres, it became a ritual in most Muslim nations
to condone such mass murders, even jubilation was
displayed over the traumatic disaster of Twin Towers, and
the actual event of the slaughter was immorally misconstrued
in the Arab world and the Iranian media (Appendix-Ill).

The Muslims did not allow others to hold opinions on
their religion, and the outrageous intolerance was evidenced
in the ritual murders of two prominent Dutch men, Theo van
Gogh, the producer of Submission and Pim Fortuyn, resulted
from their contempt for Islam. A fatwa was issued on the
life of apostate Salman Rushdie, the author of The Satanic
Verses, who was accused of blasphemy against Islam, and
whose knighthood ignited strong protest against Britain in
the Muslim nations, especially Pakistan and Iran. An

Islamism v. National Security 6 1

outburst of rage swept through the Muslim world over the
Danish caricatures of Prophet Mohammad, and blood-money
was offered for the heads of cartoonists. An uproar sparked
over Pope Benedict XVTs reference to a medieval text of
Byzantine Emperor Manual II Paleologus, which
characterized the Prophet's teaching as evil and inhumane.
(Later in 1453 Byzantium was conquered by the Muslims.)
The murder of a 65-year-old nun in Somalia was believed to
be in retribution for the Pope's remarks. In the recent past, a
Hindu bookseller of Lahore in then undivided India, who
published in 1924 a book titled Rangila Rasa (The
Debauched Prophet), was murdered subsequently by the
Muslims. In 1926 a Muslim fanatic assassinated Swami
Shaddhanand, a prominent Hindu of the Punjab, who was
active in the movement to reconvert former Hindus who had
turned Muslims.

The internationally accepted norms of non-interference
in the internal affairs of other countries are being flagrantly
violated by the radical Muslim nations in the name of
Islamic religionism, So long as the wealthy Arab States
remain supportive of the Islamic radicalism, implementing
Islamic ambition devoted to conversion of the entire human
race, the non-Muslim world will live under the cloud of
Islamist terrorism; and as long as the radical Islamic nations
embrace jihad as the legitimate tool to Fight for the
fulfillment of the Islamic aspiration for the global
domination, fanaticism will begat violence, endangering
the international peace and security, the principles of
democracy and freedom, and the very foundation of human
civilization. The world has seen Islamic terrorists in action in
all forms and denominations adhered to the jihadist conceit
in rising up against the non-Muslim world at the expense of
hundreds of thousands of innocent lives across the globe.
Ironically, Saudi Arabia, the chief promoter of international

62 Rokingya Hoax

Islamic fundamentalism and Pakistan which housed the
world's most notorious hatcheries for fanatic jihadists and
suicide bombers, now found themselves faced by the grave
danger of destruction by own accreditation, but not by the
attribution of other religions, which the Islamist
fundamentalists set against to pulverize through the jihad
war and subversion.

RADICAL ISLAM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

The radical Islamic movement is not confined to a
country or region alone; Southeast and South Asia, the
Middle East and the West have become hotbeds of Islamic
terrorism. The countries in Southeast Asia, except the
Philippines, were once under the influence of Hinduism and
Buddhism. The 13 a ' century saw the Islamic conquest of
Indonesia and Malaya. Regrettably, recurrence of Islamic
fundamentalism, however, turned the traditional Islam into
virulently radicalized Islam involving in regional politics,
which posed serious problem for domestic security of the
region. A pan -regional radical Islamic agenda, engaged in
the process of local Islamic separatist movements, presented
a threat to the national security and territorial integrity of the
Buddhist nations, notably Burma and Thailand; both being
victimized by the Islamist secessionists, the former faced by
the rebellion of immigrant Chittagonians who sought to
establish a Muslim enclave in the Rakhaing state, which is
adjacent to the Muslim nation, currently Bangladesh, and the
latter confronted by the revolt of Malay Muslims who
demanded to transfonn the southern part into an autonomous
Muslim state, which adjoins the Muslim nation of Malaysia.
The same is true with the Christian nation of Philippines,
where the Moro Muslims were waging a war to gain
independence of the southern Mindanao, which borders on
the Muslim nation of Indonesia.

Intrigued in all cases were the governments of Saudi
Arabia and Libya, which competed against each other in
promoting Muslim unity and exportation of Islamic
fundamentalism around the world. Also implicated in the
affairs were the radical Islamic institutions, both foreign and
domestic, including the al-Qaeda and the Jemaah Islamiyah,
the extremist terrorist organization of Indonesia, which

64 Rahingya Hoax

looked for the opportunity to link local conflicts involving
the Muslim separatists, Lent a helping hand in the Muslim
revolts in the Philippines and Thailand. It was also involved
in the Mujtahid-turned-Rohingya separatist movement, and
had influence over Cham Muslims in Cambodia. In this
setting of the Islamic intervention in the region, Cambodia
and Vietnam, each with a Muslim community, although
neither of them borders on a Muslim nation, are not a long
way behind. The Islamic zealotry to conquer the region in
its entirety was outlined in the blue-print of two bonds
circulated in then East Pakistan (Appendix-IV).

The expanse of Southeast Asia is in the throes of
Islamization, which might set off a regional crisis. In
perspective, what has been pursued by the Muslim
separatists in Burma, Thailand and the Philippines agitating
for a separate Islamic state, are not isolated occurrences^ but
they should be seen in the context of the ultimate goal of
pan-Islamic movement to ingurgitate the entire region in the
sweep of global Islamic conquest. The Jemaah Islamiyah had
a plan to create an Islamic Empire (Daulah Islamiah), to be
ruled by Iman, comprising Indonesia, Malaysia and the
southern Philippines.

Had the plan for Islamizution of the Buddhist nations
come through they would be interfused with the previously
Islamized lands of Indonesia and Malaysia, rendering an
effectual bridging of the gaps between Bangladesh and the
Philippines in the drive for global expansion of Isiam.
Consequently, it will definitely have an enormous impact on
Hindu India, with the largest Muslim community, which
would become the only country that stands in the way of
meteoric extension of Islam from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
from Morocco to the Philippines, wending its track through
the Balkan Peninsula and Central Asia.

THE AL-QAEDA LINK

Strategy and tactics walk hand in hand in the gambit
of the Mujtahid-turricd- Rohingya separatist movement.
Given the fervour of Islamic inspiration, the initial drive of
enthusiasm was generated based on the religious prejudice
and racial difference; however, following the setback in
insurrection the Muslim separatists intellcctualized to lower
the religious emblem with a view to palliating the radical
profile of Mujtahid insurgents, which had hitherto been
anointed with the Islamist fundamentalism. Thereupon, they
subtly aligned to a secular orientation in order to alter the
public perception; hence, the moribund Mujtahid separatist
movement was revitalized, with its base in Bangladesh,
under the cloak of fictional Rohingya, with a barrage of
vicious publicity aimed at gearing up the patronage of the
general public, who did not fully understand all what was
behind the manoeuvre. The strategy was intended to
camouflage, in the process of international exposure, the
wretched image of Mujtahid separatists, who carried out a
reign of terror and were closely identified with the
Mujahadin terrorists. In other words, by assuming the new
identity of different ethnicity, the Chittagonian Bengalis
purposed a further attempt to serve as the alternative resort to
the crumbled Mujtahid separatist movement.

The Mujtahid separatist movement might have been
resuscitated on false pretense; nevertheless, in reality the so-
called Rohingya formed radical networks with international
connections, a formidable global network of Islamist
terrorists, and fell under the sway of al-Qaeda. Their
fundamentalist credentials earned the Active Rohingya
support of the Muslim world and close links with the armed
jihadist groups in Asia, which were affiliated to the
al-Qaeda and Taliban. The fictive Rohingya were radicalized

65

Rohingya Hoax

under the sponsorship of the local Bangladeshi jihadists,
such as Jamaat-e-lslami, and many of them became new
members of Harakat-ul-Jihad Islami. It may be noted that
Jihad Movement in Bangladesh was one of the original
signatories of Osama bin Ladcn's 1998 declaration of war on
the West. The Rohingya Solidarity Organization and the
Arakan Rohingya National Organization, the two extremist
groups, attended the Rabitatul Mujahadin meetings in
Malaysia in 1 999, sponsored by the al-Qacda-linkcd Jemaah
I slam iy ah, which like the al-Qaeda sought to develop greater
cooperation with regional Muslim separatists.

The statement, which was made public by Osama bin
Laden at a press interview on September 28, 2001, had
unequivocal bearing on the involvement of professed
Rohingya in the al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist networks in
Southeast Asia. In The Country Report on Terrorism 2005^
the State Department of United States noted, "Some
observers posit possible links between known terrorist
organizations and two local insurgent groups, the Rohingya
Solidarity Organization and the Arakan Rohingya National
Organization.'" The fugitive militants of Jemaah Islamiyah,
which carried out the 2002 deadly Bali bombing, were
harboured amidst the so-called Rohingya community
encamped in Bangladesh.

Members of the Rohingya Solidarity Organization had
training with Hizb-e-Islamic Mujahadin in the province of
Khost in Afghanistan, where hundreds of the alleged
Rohingya fought along with the Taliban. They also joined
forces with Islamic militants in Kashmir and Chechnya. The
Chittagonian separatists, who made no secret of their call for
jihad war against Burma, recruited veteran fighters of
Afghanistan war, the core of al-Qaeda jihadists, who arrived
in Bangladesh via Pakistan. One of about 60 videotapes,

The al-Qaeda Link 67

obtained in Afghanistan by the CNN cable network, was
marked with the name of Burma, written in the Arabic
script, which contained scenes of military training conducted
by the Afghan instructors in camps located on the
Bangladeshi side of the common border with Burma. No
wonder that these camps, which belonged to the extremist
Rohingya Solidarity Organization, became a reservoir of
mercenary terrorist recruits for the al-Qaeda and Taliban.

The JVlujtahid-turned-Rohingya, who set about trying
to rally the general public behind their separatist movement,
bringing it into the vortex of international politics, adamantly
proclaimed to be fighting for the political rights and racial
identity in pursuit of a free Islamic state in the northwestern
region of Burma, Nevertheless, by all accounts members of
the so-called Rohingya separatist movement, which was
originated from former Jihadist Mujtahid Organization,
having rooted in the al-Qaeda doctrine, now became
internationalized jihadists who fought without borders for a
new Islamic world order, destined to defeat the West, the
United States and Israel in particular.

PART FOUR

THE HYPOCRITICAL PANDERERS

In seeking to give the extensive currency to their
separatist movement* the alien Chittagonians achieved most
of their political objective through accommodating publicists
and apologists in the West, who were daftly abided by the
dictates of heretical opinions, which ran counter to what was
inherently relevant to the land of Rakhaing and its people.
The apologists, who nursed anti-Burma sentiment, were
guided more by bias than by reason and turned a blind eye to
the established facts of history and opted to fall into hearsay.
The biased mind lost the historical perspective.

The mavericks in the West, who dabbled in the
Rohingya mania, were willing to take the words of the
Chittagonians and even eager to believe in repertoires of lies.
They should not lose sight of the fact that the fictitious
Rohingya arc as much compulsive liars as the Islamic
fanatics, who asserted that the holocaust of the Jews by the
Nazis during the Second World War was a myth; that the
September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States
were a Jewish plot, connived by the American themselves;
and that the 2004 Southeast Asia Tsunami was resulted from
the effect of atomic bomb explosions conducted by the
United States, Israel and India. Walid Shocbat, a former
Islamist jihadist and the author of Why We Want To Kill You,
admitted, "I must confess that lying was our nature." The
culture of lying is deeply enrooted in the strain of the
Chittagonian separatists.
Scott O' Conner writes:

Then there is a medley of Indians; a Mullah
from Chittagong in a long saffron caftan,

with the air of a refined and travel man

His people, he says, are faithful and devout;
but he admits their gift of lying. 50

68

The Hypocritical Panderers 69

Phillips gives a graphic picture of the culture the
Chittanonian Muslims have been devoted to:

Masters of intrigue and deception., the

Chittagomans made extremely good
Intelligence agents behind the enemy
lines but, when it came to a clash of
interests among themselves, they quarrelled
violently and were awful liars.

Doubtlessly, there is an unreal and make-believe
clement in the Chittagonian claim. Despite being shrouded in
controversy, the fictional Rohingya were inconceivably
listed as a hybrid race of Arab origin in the bureaux of
international organizations, government chancelleries and
the press rooms, without a shadow of doubt about the
credibility of the claim and integrity of those who made it.
The treatment of professed Rohingya as a people racially
different from the Bengali Muslims by the international
organizations was unfortunate, putting the credibility of such
institutions at stake, given the indubitable role they played.
The complicity, bringing the self-styled Rohingya to the
public notice as a race unlike the Bengali stock, was just not
tantamount to lending accreditation to the hollow claim,
hence roused the Muslim agitators to a stem effort to woo
the public for recognition of the fictional Rohingya a fait
accompli, but it also tended to foster a bearing on de facto
validation of the radical Muslim separatist movement itself,
since the motif of Rohingya was reflexively trumped up as
an excuse for the unlawful movement. Amazingly, it hardly
occurred to the supposedly impartial bureaucrats of the
international organizations and civil libertarians in the West
to substantiate the fictitious claim. It is important to
distinguish fact from fiction, truth from lies.

70 Rohingya Hoax

Deplorable as it has become, the credulous radicals in
the West hastily jumped on the Rohingya bandwagon,
ardently believing in their propaganda, while the evidence
bespoke otherwise. Propaganda, as commonly conceived, is
synonymous with lying. Lies do not dispute facts or discount
value of the research works by eminent scholars. To endorse
the false identity of Rohingya on reliance in unwarranted
assertions of the Muslim fibbers is fallibility of judgement, if
not astninity, because the granddaddies of the Mujtahid
movement did not designate themselves Rohingya but
Arakan Muslims, nor was there mention of Arab ethnicity in
the Charter of Demands of Arakan Muslims, which is the
manifesto of the Chittagonian separatist movement.
Pretermission from the said document of the term Rohingya
proves itself a fake, so does the Arab ancestry factitious of
what was claimed to be the biological constitution of
soi-disant Rohingya. Evidently, the term Rohingya was not
embraced by all Chittagonian Muslims, even among the
Islamist separatists, A glaring example is the Itihadul
Mozahadin of Arakan, a faction of the Chittagonian
separatist movement.

The crux of the matter is that the industrialized
nations, because of their reliance upon the foreign sources of
energy, had all along been cultivating good relations with the
oil-producing Muslim nations, thus rendering a favourable
tendency towards Islam; hence the tacit approbation of
rcligio-political movements. It comes to no surprise that out
of self-seeking policy the West dissented lopsidedly from
what was done in Burma to maintain law and order for the
purpose of safeguarding the national security. For all the
die-hard sympathetic sentiment towards much politicized
Islamic separatist movements in the non-Muslim nations, the

The Hypocntfca J Panderers 7 1

West was recompensed with terrorist attacks. It was a
backlash against the liberal policy, and the price of
appeasement to the Muslims and approbation of the Islamist
seccssionism.

No one needs to be reminded that it was the West, led
by the United States, which intervened to protect separatist
Muslims in the 1998 communal conflict between the Serbian
Police and the secessionist Albanian Army in Kosovo, the
sovereign territory of Serbia, overwhelmingly populated by
the Muslims from adjacent Albania. Regrettably, Kosovo
now turned out the leading exporter of Islamist terrorists in
Europe. The irony is that New Jersey's Fort Dix Army Base,
which housed Kosovo's Albanian Muslim refugees in 1999,
was targeted by six Islamist terrorists, and among them were
four Kosovo Muslims, who plotted to kill the soldiers of the
base, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic was brought
before the International Criminal Court on the charges of
genocide. The mockery of his trial was that the legal
wrangling lasted for four years but it reached no conclusion
on his guilt before the death of the accused.

In February 2008 Kosovo unilateral ly declared its
independence, despite the opposition of Serbia and Russia
( later joined by China and India ), with the support and
recognition of the United States and European Union,
except Cyprus, Greece, Spain, Slovakia and Romania,
which expressed the fear of setting a bad precedent for
independence of separatist movements in Europe and
elsewhere, As predicted, the brinkmanship subsequently
resulted in secessionist conflicts in Georgia's South Ossetia
and Abkhazia. Russia's support, including the military
intervention in South Ossetia, mounted tension between
Russia and the West which opposed the separatist
movements on the ground of licit sovereignty of Georgia

72 Rohingya Hoax

over the two breakaway provinces; ironically, it was under
the similar circumstance that the West had reversed position
in the Kosovo question.

The implication of the West in the Kosovo affaires
might be seen as a self-protective stunt exploited through
escapism and appeasement in the prospect of a threat posed
by the Islamist jihadists who yearned for a worldwide
caliphate. A good example is the Munich Agreement, which
was signed by British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain,
with the acquiescence of France, with Hitler to the cession of
Sudetenland to Nazi Germany on his offer for guarantee of
peace.

It is a well known fact that anti-immigrant sentiment
and invigorating repugnance of Islam ran deep in the West,
which was trapped in a dysfunctional state of extortion and
intimidation inflicted by the Islamists. For all the ardent
Islamophobia, racialist ideology and socio-economic
discrimination against the Muslims and distrust of Islam in
their own lands, where outsiders were never made easy to
feci at home, a host of Western politicians and publicists,
hypocritically pandered to the Chittagonian separatists in
favour of their evil passions in the name of social equality
and human rights.

Ineomprehensively, a hypocrite from the most unlikely
quarters, acting on the impulse of uncanny politics, and
apparently out of self-absorbed motive arising from the
fesleiing Israel-Palestinian conflict, with a view to pacifying
the hostile anti-Semitic Islamist fundamentalists, and at the
same time to decrease the menacing repercussions stemmed
from the sad plight of Palestinians, established a claim to
the champion booster of the politicized Islamist separatist

The Hypocritical Panderers 73

movements in the non-Muslim nations of Southeast Asia,
such as Burma, Thailand and the Philippines, having put the
three instances on the generalized footing of irredentist
aspiration, As a matter of fact, the question of ethnicity and
autoehthony, is what that constitutes the stark difference
between the alleged Rohingya Muslims of the Rakhaing state
in Burma, who are non-ethnic Bengali immigrants, and the
Malay Muslims of southern Thailand and the Moro Muslims
of the Philippines, who on the other hand are native converts
and are essentially indigenous to the respective land.

Beating the Chittagonian drums, formidable efforts were
made to ballyhoo the cause of unlawful Mujtahid-turned-
Rohingya separatist movement, bruiting their falsified
statements and aspersion against the Rakhaings, which not
only served as the wholesale propaganda in the most useful
and profitable way to the interest of the Islamist separatists,
but also amounted to generating a make-up history of the
movement, which the publicist himself professed being
under documented. The account, which depicted the false
accusations of inequity leading to the conclusion that
justified the Mujtahid revolt, in excuse of the alleged failure
to redress the Muslim grievances, was an utterly exparte
view on the separatist propaganda which was maliciously
contorted out of the national and regional political
developments as well as law enforcement measures put into
effect locally. The bias towards the Chittagonian separatist
movement stirred deep resentment among the Rakhaings
who had intimate knowledge of the tlagitious Muslim
scheme, and the worst harrowing experience of unbridled
savagery the Muslim maniacs let loose to kill and to bum.
Memories run deep among the surviving Rakhaings, the
author for one, who sought safety in flight to British India in
1942, a narrow escape from the ethnic cleansing, deadly
extrusion of the native Buddhists from their ancestral land by

74 Rohmgya Hoax

the alien Muslims, well before the Arabs were forced out
from part of Palestine in 1948, which brought about the
Arab-Israel conflict and the Muslim hate campaign against
the West for its pro-Israel stand.

Make no mistake about the Muslims, they aie
implacable. One might recall the speech of former Israeli
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, which was made in the fall of
2001 in the context of American-initiated road map for peace
in the Middle East. "In 1938, enlightened Europe sacrificed
Czechoslovakia for the sake of a temporary, convenient
solution," said the Prime Minister. tL Don't try to appease the
Arabs at our expense," he cautioned, Seeing through the
Islamic prism, the West is the West, there is no distinction
between nations all are the same imperialist racists, despite
their desperate efforts to prove otherwise. By the same token
an infidel is the enemy of Islam regardless of the ostensible
pro -Islamic stunt, no matter how hard one might exert
oneself to find favour in the eyes of the Muslims.

The pander ers, who held an idealistic view on political
rights and social justice, were dictated by prejudice than
conscience, and acted within their own obsessive discretion.
The Clrittagonian separatists are illegal foreigners who have
no legal claim to the land. They were not in the plight of
Palestine irredentists who fought to regain their territories
occupied by Israel, or the Islamist freedom fighters in
China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Neither could
they be likened to the Muslim resistant fighters in Chechnya,
nor the Muslim separatists in Kashmir, Thailand or the
Philippines. But, on the contrary the alien Chittagonian
separatists, who were pervaded by the passion of fanatic
Islam ism, were only in pursuit of an evil agenda to colonize
the host country, without an iota of loyalty to it.

PART FIVE

CONCLUSION

The Chittagonian separatists, who were infatuated with
the spell of Islamic secessionist^ were clearly trying to
create conditions that would drastically increase involvement
of the general put) lie in their political agenda through a
lavish and broad propaganda base instituted with the
financial help of the wealthy Arab States. They generated a
flurry of invidious propaganda about the alleged plight of
Muslims in order to make them look like victims of
suppression, using clever lies to foment bias against the
people of Burma. To make the best of the opportunity to
bring the separatist movement to a centripetal development
in the political framework of an international crisis, the
Chittagonian separatists abusively exploited the Islamic
nationalism to agitate the Muslim world, and the Islamic
solidarity was consolidated to such a point that the radical
Muslim minority became a menace to the stability and
security of the Union of Burma.

Notwithstanding all the externally colluded efforts in
the service of their cause, the Chittagonian goal for the
visionary Islamic state remained unfulfilled, and rightfully
out of the question. The law of the land stipulates that only
an indigenous ethnic group is entitled tn the right of a
state within the Union. The Chittagonians are not eligible
for the status of an ethnic entity on the licit ground that they
arc non-indigenous racially and culturally, but are linked to
the Bengali origin and heritage. Just because they are inside
the country they do not earn the right to be an ethnic
minority, no matter how long they have lived in the country.
This ineligibility criterion poses the insurmountable sine qua
nam for the edification of the envisioned Muslim state.

75

76 Rohingya Hoax

Thereupon, a seemingly intellectual pretense was cooked up
to obfuscate the status quo of their ethnicity, and cast off
the Bengali se]fdom in order to assume the identity of
Rohingya in exchange, whereby they figured to present
themselves incognito in forging the status of illegal and not
so- illegal Bengali immigrants into one of the ethnic
minorities, in hopes of a good chance to lcgali7e them as
bona fide citizens of Burma.

It is the proven fact, in virtue of authentic documents
cited in the preceding pages, that there has never been a
group of Muslims in Rakhaing, known as Rohingya, who
laid claim to genetic connection with Arabs. The unfounded
claim, despite all bizarre assertions, was only too obvious a
tool for political purpose than biological heredity. A
number of factors, other than the above, are at play in the
contrivance, including creation of an Islamic base for the
stimulus of enthusiasm in the Muslim world, especially the
Arab nations, in anticipation to solicit financial aid, and to
rally political support of the general public for the separatist
movement through the good offices of oil -rich Gulf States,
taken into context the impact of preponderant weight Arab
oil tycoons wielded particularly on oil hungry West.
Evidently, their strategy brought to fruition in view of the
consistent flow of financial assistance from the Arabs, and
the inveterate prejudice the self-seeking West held against
Burma.

The Chittagonian separatists professed themselves for a
non-Bengali race; nevertheless, they had gone amiss with the
claim given the irrational and inexplicable mass of Muslim
population numbering hundreds of thousands, bearing no
relation to the reality of Bengali influx from the heavily
populated East Bengal, which became East Pakistan in 1947,
having 46 million inhabitants and a population density of

Conclusion 11

1200 people to the square mile, The country, whose
population continued to grow by leaps and bounds, became
Ranglariesh in 1 971 , and the recent records put its population
at 153.6 millions, with a population density of 2970 people
to the square mile, compared to 47.8 millions and 1 88 per
square mile in Burma, which is nearly five times the size of
the former? The Bengali land has been subject to chronic
destitution as a result of devastating cyclones and floods.
The vast majority of inhabitants of famine stricken nation
were wretched poor, who found havens in the sparsely
populated and relatively bountiful land across its eastern
border. Hence, on the fringes on both sides of the frontier
were overlapped by the Chittagonian Muslims.

The fundamental question the Muslim conjecturers
and predisposed publicists in the West, who idiotically
became instrumental in promoting the alien Chittagonian
cause, utterly missed or purposely boggled to deal With is,
the settlement pattern of Chittagonian Muslims along the
Rakhaing coast. The Chittagonian population has a much
greater density in the north than in the south. The farther
away a locality lies from the Maungdaw township where the
alleged Rohingya thronged to the utmost, the less density of
Muslim population becomes.
Smart states:

The Maungdaw township with 230 persons to
the square mile is by far the most densely
populated in the district. It borders on

Chittagnng and the bulk of the inhabitants

are Chittagonians. The only other townships
with a density above the figure for the
district, 103 per square mile, are Akyab with
17 6 and Rath-edaung 157. In the former
Chittagonians predominate. ..... ...in Kyauktaw,

where the Chittagonian population increased
from 13,987 in 1891 tol9,360 in 1911. 53

78 Rohingya Hoax

It is obvious that the Bengali Muslims infiltrated
from the epicentral Cliittagong District into the adjacent
Maungdaw township and moved gradually down southwards
and elsewhere, who at the same time faithfully maintained
the culture and language of their old country.

Smart describes:

The arrivals at Maungdaw spread by various
routes to all parts of the district and they are
joined by the Chittagonian settlers resident
for the most part in the northwestern quarter
of the district.

Compared to the Rakhaing state the Chittagonian
Muslim settlement is insignificant in the Irrawaddy delta and
on the Tenassarim coast, which lie farther south and away
from the Bengali land. This demographic distribution pattern
of Chittagonian Muslims explains the underlying questions
as to who are the professed Rohingya, what ethnicity they
belong to, where they came from and why they ensconced in
the Rakhaing state, the northwestern corner of Burma, which
interfaces the Chittagong District.

No matter how vigorous efforts were made to feign
their origin on the ground of sophism the self-styled
Rohingya failed to strip of the Bengali identity in which they
conclusively belong. By all manifestations, the purported
Rohingya are no distinct from their kinsfolk in the
District of Chittagong where their genesis appertains, who
bear a striking resemblance with affinities, which include
ethnic origin, racial colour, physical stature, physiognomy,
language, religion, culture, social customs, dietary law and
habits of dressing and housing. More importantly there is no
sorcery to explain away the logic of facts with respect to

78

Conclusion 79

the concentration in gross of nominal Rohingya in the border
area of Rakhaing state, or the possession as their mother
tongue of the vernacular of the adjoining Chittagong region,
but not the Arabic, or the term Rohingya itself which is
undoubtedly Bengali,

The Muslim conjecmrers, who created the Rohingya
race, knew better than any body did that there is no getting
around the fact that the outstretched growth of Muslim
squatters just about everywhere in the Rakhaing state was
dire effect of the spillover of Chittagonian immigration from
the Bengali land, which has been chronically subject to triple
blight of over population, poverty and natural disasters. The
extant historical and official records proved beyond doubt
that the self-proclaimed Rohingya are none other than a
mammoth conglomeration of Chittagonian Bengalis,
composed mainly of the British colonial vintage coolies and
new-sprung arrivals, with a few slave settlers from the days
of Rakhaing monarchy, who migrated from the Bengali
land in different times and under different circumstances.

In making their case, rooting the ethnicity in the Arab
ancestry, the Chittagonian separatists tempered reality with
fancy. In spite of the substantive official documents on their
origin and true ethnicity, the Chittagonians who lived by the
legacy of lies set up the unqualified claim to a new race in
order to hide their Bengali identity. Their claim is only a
politicizing propaganda ploy to institutionalize the illegal
immigrant Bengali Muslims into an ethnic minority in order
to influence on the legal advancement for the Islamic state^
Those who have very inventive turn of mind are called
upon to come up with testimony and put their ludicrous
claim to the tangible proof. Facts are facts. There is no
historical evidence to support their claim to the entity of a
new race of Arab ancestry in the assumed name of Rohingya.

80 Rohingya Hoax

Until and unless the Chittagonian separatists
vindicate their claim on the strength of veritable documents
and genetic match, what they flftserred to be their genetic
constitution stands in dire need of credibility. Failure to
answer this challenge only conforms to the rernon strati ve
polemic that their claim is nothing but an abysmally hyped
hoax. Evincibly, the so-called Rohingya are invested with all
the characteristics of Bengali personality; walk like a duck
quack like a duck, who are they?

EPILOGUE

THE SHIPWRECK STORY

Syllogism is that the Chittagonian separatists dubbed
themselves Rohingya, having guilefully belied the term,
to make them seem descendants of shipwrecked Arabs;
however, the corollary in the stunt is in the negative, there
has never been a Muslim race by the name of Rohingya;
therefore, the Muslims in the Rakhaing state are no
Rohingya, nor are they of Arab descent; and for that matter
the shipwreck story, which was plotted to centralize the
inception of alleged Rohingya, was none but a fiction.

It all began with a tall story, no less fanciful than the
Arabian Nights, which featured Arab castaways as the
prirnordiu.m of fictional Rohingya. The story surfaced like a
bolt from the blue in the early 1950s and the national opinion
loosed a storm of disproval, factually challenging credibility
of the account, which was concocted to transmute the
immigrant Chittagonian Bengalis into a hybrid race in order
to vitalize their demand for the islamic state. Taking the
story on the face of it would only be ridiculous; it is merely a
vehicle devised to convey the imaginary Arabs to a
convenient rendezvous with the Chittagonian Bengalis in
order to fake the biological blend of two peoples, who
otherwise were separated from each other by a bioad
expanse of land mass; in other words, it is the only viable
means to feign the conception of fictional Rohingya,
supposedly a mixture of two races of distinct ethnicity,
culture and especially locality.

Long before the breakthrough to the Indian Ocean, which
occurred in 1487, and Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape of
Good Hope and sailed into Calicut on the west coast of India

82 Rohingya Hoax

in 1498, Arabs and other traders, who were primarily
engaged in the spice trade, plied the Mediterranean, the Red
Sea or the Persian Gulf, the Indian Ocean and South China
Sea through the straight of Malacca, the hub of the world's
most renowned spice trade route. The commerce on the sea
routes was conformed to the flow of the monsoon winds,
and traders who sailed eastward to Malacca via Aden,
Gujarat and Ceylon, or vice versa, made good use of the
prevailing winds. In view of the favourable winds and the
vast oceanic expanse between the spice trade routes and the
land of Rakliaing, which is located in the Northern
Hemisphere where the trade-wind continuously blows from
the North East towards the equator, the circumstance that
Arab ships being drifted and beached on Ramree Island in
the extreme north of the estuary of the Bay of Bengal, about
a thousand miles off the main shipping lines, suggests
nothing but remote possibility. The facts of geography lend
discountenance to the seaborne passage to Ramree Island of
Arabs, the prospective forefathers of professed Rohingya.

There was report about shipwrecks during the time of
Maha-taiug Sandra who ascended the throne about 788 AD.

Burma Gazetteer mentions:

In his reign several ships were wrecked on
Ramree Island and the crews, said to have
been Mahomedans, were sent to Arakan
Proper and settled in villages. S5

In reality, the said crew unspecified by race, however, were
not necessarily Arabs or Muslims, given the fact that during
that time the traders from the Indian west coast were as
actively involved in the seaborne trade as the Arabs did.
Moreover, the Bengali merchants commonly plied in the
local trade laps along the eastern shore of the Bay.

The Shipwreck Staty 83

Supposing that Arab ships were wrecked, say once in a
blue moon; even so, the question is how many ships
were involved and at what frequencies might have such
mishaps taken place in succession, and oddly enough in
the same vicinity, to the end that there would spring up a
herd of destitute Arabs who would be responsible for the
spawning of hundreds of thousands of Muslims in the given
time. Furthermore, a merchant vessel, unlike the cruise ship,
is generally manned with a small crew and heavily laden
with cargoes. On this account, the small number of Arab
seamen from a few shipwrecks., as alluded to, is
disproportional to the enormous accumulation of Muslims,
who called themselves Rohingya, allegedly the descendants
of Arab seamen. If the mass of fictivc Rohingya were the
offspring of Arabs, there should have been a large number of
them. No account has yet been fabricated that hordes of
Arabs were sent out oversea by the shiploads to establish
colonies, like the English convicts who were deported to
found new settlements in what is now Australia. On the other
hand, the circumstances testified otherwise. The anomalous
outgrowth of nominal Rohingya, which defies the logic of
natural birthrate, corresponds to the stupendous increase of
illegal Chittagonian immigration given the statistics as
exemplified in the official records.

Smart notes the increase of Bengali inflow:

The Mahomedans, who in 1872 numbered
58,255, had by the year 1911 risen to 178,647. 5(y

Inexplicably, the swarm of self-styled Rohingya, who speak
the Chittagonian dialect and fused with the Bengali culture,
were entirely established in the northwest corner of
Rakhaing state, which borders on the Chittagong District of
Bengal, far away from the localities in the south, where the
Arab seamen were supposed to have made their home.

84 Rohingya Hoax

The circumstantial evidences tend to converge upon
the conclusion that the story of shipwrecked Arabs was a
garbled account of two episodes, one about the rumoured
Muslim seamen and the other of the Kamans, having
incorporated and anachronously corrupted the two events
which had taken place at different points of time in history.
In other words* the personification of Arab castaways was
the embodiment of reported Muslim seamen and Kamans,
the remnants of followers of fugitive Mogul prince Shah
Sliujah, who were deported to Ramree Island for the
perfidious acts perpetrated against the Rakhaing kingdom,
where they sought refuge.

An analysis rested upon the basis of the works of
eminent historians corroborates the analogy between the
Muslim crew and the Kamans. Phayre, who published
valuable studies of the early history and antiquities of
Rakhaing, writes:

Those of the prince's followers who escaped
slaughter, were retained by the king of Arakan
for the same service as that Lhey had held under
the prince; a bodyguard of archers. They
became the nucleus of a foreign corps, which
later was notorious in Arakan for turbulence
and violence, disposing of the throne according
to their will. Later still, when they diminished
numbers their influence was weakened, they
were deported to Ramri where their
descendants still retain the name of Kumanchi.
Though using only the Bumncse language, they
are Mussulmans in religion, and their
physiognomy and fairness of complexion still
tell of their descent from Turks, Afghans or

57

so-called Moguls. *

The Shipwreck Stoiy 85

D.G.E. Hall, who was Professor Emeritus of the History
of South-East Asia in the London University, and formerly
History Professor in the University of Rangoon, writes:
Such of Shah Shujalr s followers as had escaped
Massacre were enrolled as Archers of the Royal
Guard. They made and unmade kings at wilt,
burnt the palace and preyed upon the land.
For a brief interval under Sandawizaya
f 1710-31) there was some semblance of settled
government. He suppressed the unruly Archers
and settled them on the island of Ramrcc. 5
G. E. Harvey states:

Shujah's followers in 1661 were retained as

Archers of the Guard They murdered and set

up kings at will arid their numbers were
recruited by fresh arrival from Upper India. In
1692 they burnt the palace and for twenty years
roamed over the country, carrying fire and
swoid wherever they went. Finally they were
broken by a lord who set up as king
Sandawiziya 1710-31; he deported them to
Ramee; there, and at Thinganet and Tharagon
near Akyab, their descender its still exist, under
the name Raman ( Persian Kaman = a bow ) s
speaking Arakanese but retaining their
Mahomedan faith and Afghan features.

Smart, who often cites Phayre in his work, narrates;
The local histories relate that in the ninth
century several ships were wrecked on Ramree
Island and the Mussalman crew sent to Arakan
and placed in villages there. They differ but
little from the Arakanese except in their religion
and in the social customs which their religion
directs; in writing they use Burmese, but among
themselves employed colloquially the language
of their ancestors.

86 Rohmgya Hoax

It is fairly established the fact that the Kamans and
the Muslim crew of derelict ships, reported to have run
aground on Ramrcc Island, were collimated characteristically
to forge them into Arab castaways, having adjusted
corresponding factors, such as the Islamic faith, alien origin,
seaborne journey ( the Kamans came to Mrauk-U by sea)
and the stage setting, which is Ramree Island. According to
Smart, the Muslim crew scarcely differed from the
Arakanese except religion, and used Burmese in writing. The
traits that mark the said Muslim crew are strikingly similar to
the characteristics of Muslim Kamans, who adapted to the
Arakanese way of life and used Burmese as the medium of
communication. Extrapolated from the collocation of
correlative features, it leads to inference that the Muslim
crew (cited by Smart) and the Kamans (mentioned by other
scholars) were the same lot of Muslims, having interfused
the two cliques and transposed them into shipwrecked Arabs,
exploiting the ambiguous ethnicity of the Muslim seamen.

The conjectural twist that transubstantiated racially
obscured Muslim crew into Arabs only too warrants the
delusory link between the ostensible Arabs and local
Chittagonians, since it is unfeasible a task for the latter, a
people of the Dravidian strain who are Bengali to the core, to
set up a claim to being descendants of Kamans, taking into
account the elemental discrepancies between the two
coteries, such as ethnological composition, language, cultural
heritage and historical background. The Kamans differed
from the professed Rohmgya in terms of racial origin,
physical features and in all aspects of life, save religion.
Though Muslims by faith, the Kamans took the Rakhaing
appellations, embraced the native tongue and adopted local
habits of eating and dressing. The older generations grew up
learning in the Buddhist monastic schools and some

The Shipwreck Story 87

continued to excel in the vernacular literature and Pali (the
scriptural language of Tharavada Buddhism). On the other
hand, the self-styled Rohingya, who stuck to the dialect and
culture patterns of their homeland, lived in a world cut off
from the mainstream Rakhaing suciely. Ingrained in the
passion of religious dogmas, the purported Rohingyas are
exceptionally devout Muslims; elderly men grow beards and
women wear niqab, Conspicuously, the Kamans settled in
the southern sector of Rakhaing state, a world apart from the
fictional Rohingya who were abundantly prolific in the
northwest area, which verges on the Bengali land. Over
time, some Kamans moved to localities, such as seaport
towns of Kyaukpru, Sandoway and Akyab. As of today their
total population numbered just about a few thousands.

There is no dispute that the shipwreck story, which
entrapped itself in incredulity, was hard to convince of facts.
Thereupon, a radical change came from the number of
Chittagonian separatists, who vamped up a host of variant
and incoherent versions about their origin, one contradicting
and supplanting the other like shifting sands in the Arabian
Desert. It is becoming more and more evident that the initial
story fabricated to lay claim to the Arab ancestry, and the
successive assertions devised to buttress their claim to a new
race, all turned fiascos.

THE MIDDLE EASTERN ORIGIN

The new generations of Chittagonian separatists, who
invalidated the old shipwreck story, arrogated the liberty of
option to invent every imaginable tale at their disposal. One
such insubstantial account is that the alleged Rohingya are
the offspring of Moorish, Arab and Persian traders who, not
by accident of shipwreck but out of their own choice, settled
on the Rakhaing coast during the period between the 9 lh and
the 1 5 lh centuries. There is no basis in the supposal;
circumstances contradict it, Evidently, it is only a conjectural
version based on the reported port calls of ancient Arabian
voyagers in conjunction with the habitation of ethnically
assorted immigrant Muslims of the British days, having
generalized from trade settlements in the past centuries of
Arabs and Middle Easterners who settled in the trading posts
on the Malabar coast of India, such as Gujarat, Goa and
Calicut, the coastal cities in China and the trading ports on
the Malay peninsular, where the local population converted
to Islam; and possibly the Indian settlement at Mergui, a port
town on the Tenasserim coast, sheltered by the Archipelago
of the same name, which is easily accessible by overland
route to the Gulf of Slam.

In order to make a merit of the surmise, the land of
Rakhaing should have essentially been endowed with the
triad of internationally marketable products; geographical
location, strategic to the international trade routes; and
accessible anchorage, However, none of these elements was
in any shape or form under the conditions prevalent in
Rakhaing during the said time frame. First, there was no
lucrative commercial attraction in Rakhaing; little of
economic value was derived from the hinterland. Rakhaing
was not economically feasible in the past, as its economic
backwardness is still persistent today. Mrauk-U, situated on

88

The Middle Eastern Origin 89

a branch of the Kaladan river, about forty miles from the Bay
of Bengal, thrived in the foreign trade only in the middle of
the 16 th century, which mainly dealt in the slave and rice
trade conducted with the Dutch East India Company
(founded in 1602), which needed labourers and provisions
for the development of their projects in Indonesia. Second,
the land of Rakhaing was outside of the periphery of ancient
international trade routes. And finally, Rakhaing lacked
feasible anchorage.

The present seaports, where the Muslims prospered,
were developed by the British at a later time. Only after the
British occupation of Rakhaing that foundation was laid for
ports to facilitate foreign trade. Akyab was established after
having removed in 1826 British garrison from Mrauk-U, and
Kyaukpru in 1 852; and Sandoway, which according to J.K.
Macrae, Deputy Commissioner of the District circa 1886,
was still mired in economic paucity and badly in need of
development, not to make mention of the old days, to attract
foreigners for trade settlement. Had there been trading ports
on the seacoast of Rakhaing, prior to their occupation of the
land, the British would not have developed the Akyab port,
sheltered by a broad harbour, being the estuary of the
Kaladan river, with a lighthouse built on Oyster Island, to
facilitate the British shipping resorting to Calcutta and all the
head of the Bay. For the same reasons of commercial appeal
and practicable maritime location that Ramree was
abandoned for Kyaukpru, and Ann for Sandoway. Similarly,
during the time span in question there were no flourishing
ports, with the exception of Chittagong, on the cast coast of
India, which bounds on the Bay. The potential harbours such
as Madras, which was founded by the British in 1639, and
Calcutta was uninhabited until the British developed it in
1668. The absence of commercially viable port facilities on
either side of the Bay further abates the possibility of

90 Rohingya Hoax

meaningful trade transaction in the Bay's rim by the Middle
East traders (save the local merchants) during the time
extending from the 9 th to the 15 l centuries, which in turn
negates the prospect of their settlements on the Rakiiaing
coast.

In regard to the much said trading ports on the
Rakhaing coast, one should bear in mind that Rakhaing held
sway over parts of Bengal, particularly maritime locations,
such as Sandwip Island, Dianga, Barasil, Decca and Ganga
Sagara in the Sundabans, in addition to Chittagong, the chief
trade center under the Rakhaing monarchy in fragmental
periods for many centuries, which were frequented and
settled by foreign merchants. Thereupon, any port along the
coastal strip became part and parcel of the Rakhaing
territory. Thus, the ports mentioned by ancient mariners in
their narrations, wherein foreign merchants were reportedly
established, were not necessarily located in Rakiiaing proper
itself; and references to such places were made most likely
out of mere hearsay since the mariners might not have been
there themselves, nor were they familiar with the geopolitical
developments taken place in the region.

Moreover, the Middle Eastern merchants, who served
as the middlemen, trafficked in the European goods and
products of the East, such as shimmering silks, ceramics,
gems and especially spices of the East Indies. Rakhaing did
not produce spices or any commodity of commercial value or
luxury to entice the traders from the Middle East; nor was
there demand for foreign goods, which did not suit a people
whose social and cultural institutions of millenniums had
been perpetuated with little change. Furthermore, the
nationalist Rakhaings„ who coalesced into a homogeneous
society and embraced Buddhism early on their
establishment, were noted for xenophobia and repugnance of

The Middle Eastern Origin 9 1

Islam . Such being the case, one is compelled to wonder
aloud what in the world might have prompted the Middle
Easterners, who were primarily interested in profits and the
good life, to lead astray and settle in an exotic land with a
scanty population, which evidently was a place of stagnant
trade and social antagonism, far-away from the prosperous
Muslim enclave of Malacca, the famous trade center,
glutted with coveted goods, where a hearty welcome and
prosperity awaited them.

Given the trenchant arguments, the speculated
settlement in the distant past un the Rakliaing coasL of the
merchants from the Middle East or the Levant, whom the so-
called Rohingya claimed to be their forefathers, is just
another figment of imagination. Amazingly, the Muslim
story tellers, including the arbitrary heretical dabblers of the
West, who propounded opposing ideas of the Muslim
settlements on the Rakhaing coast, made no reference to the
classic European sources. Definitely, there exist no veritable
accounts in support of the Chittagonian assertions, which
include their claim to being descendants of the aborigines of
Rakhaing land, or the mere transformation into local
converts, which all rested on the basis of conjecture.

APPENDIX-I

CHARTER OF DEMANDS OF ARAKAN MUSLIMS

Importance of keeping Balance of Power between the
Muslims and the Maghs, the two major races of Arakan

PRINCIPLE OF PARITY OR FIFTY-FIFTY SHARFS
IN DEFENCE AND PORT ADMINISTRATION

The Muslims and the Maghs are the two Major and
Main Races of Arakan. The Maghs predominate in number
and the Muslims are second in number but much superior in
fighting qualities, political and economic strength, with great
historical past and traditions. Arakan prosperity before the
war was mainly the work of the Muslims who developed
agriculture and commerce.

The Maghs and the Muslims should be given their
own areas of self-government but at the same time united
under the sovereignty of the Union as the two High
Contracting parties and races of Arakan for:-

(1) The Common Defence of Arakan as One Defence
Unit and

(2) The Common Administration of Akyab port,
which concerns both Races equally.

So far as these two common and collective subjects of
(1) Common Defence and (2) Common port are
concerned, to which the Muslims and the Maghs are
equally interested, the principle of parity should apply
and each of the two Races should have fifty-fifty (50-
50) shares in the Administration of the Defence of
Arakan and Akyab port.

92

Appendix-l 93

PRINCIPLE OF PARITY UNIVERSALLY RECOGNIZED IN
ALL FEDERATIONS LIKE U. S.A.. AND SWIZERLAND

It is the commonly accepted International Laws and
International Relationship that various nations in matters of
inter peoples relations irrespective of their numbers arc
regarded not as Majority and Minority but as Equals and
have equal representation. The principle of the Equality of
peoples and nations and of the different Federal Units,
irrespective of number is universally recognized in all
Federations. The different Units of Federations as in the
U.S.A. are accorded Equal Representation on the Upper
Chamber of the Federal Parliament. The 48 states of the
U.S.A. for instance, have equal representation on the U.S.A.
Senate (the Upper Federal Chamber) which has got equal
power willi the Luwer Chamber- the House Of
Representatives. But still each of the 48 states selects equal
number of Senators to the senate of the U.S.A. irrespective
of great disparities in the population of the various states.
The Lower, the House of representatives, however,
represents the generality of the people and its quantum of
representation is based on the ratio of populations of the
various states. The Senate represents not the people but the
Units,

PARITY OF THREE NATIONS IN SWISS FEDERATION

This principle of parity of people is universally
recognized in all federations, e.g. the U.S.A., the Federation
of Switzerland. For instance, in the Federation of
Switzerland, the Italians, the Germans, the French peoples
have equal Representation and Rights m the Federal Cabinet
and Legislature although the Germans are the most
numerous and form a majority. This should apply to the
various Race-Units on the Senate of the Union of Burma.

94 Appendix-I

MERE ARTIFICIAL POPULATION-RATIOS ABSURD
IN SUCH INTER-RACIAL MATTERS

The thing in terms of majority of artificial population
ratios in such vital and basis matters as the common
concerns of the collective Security and Defence,
Administration of the Common Port and Representation on
the Constituent Assembly and the Upper Chamber of the
Union Federal Legislature shall be utterly absurd and
untenable. The principle of Parity and Equality of Race-
Units and Senate should be the rule in such vital matters.

The demands of the Arakan Muslims are based on the
principle that the Muslims and the Maghs are the Major and
Main Races of Arakan and while they should have their
separate zones of autonomous and Self- Rule they should
have (1) Common Defence of Arakan and (2) Common
Administration of the city and port of Akyab.

THE DEMANDS

The demands in brief are:-

(1) That North Arakan should be immediately formed a
free Muslim state as Equal Constituent Member of the
Union of Burma like the Shan state and the Kareni
state, the Chin Hills and the Kachin zone with its own
local Militia, Police and Security Forces under the
command of the Union.

(2) That for the purpose of the Defence of the union,
Arakan as a whole may be treated as a single Defence
Unit, provided that the following conditions Nos.
3&4 are fulfilled.

Append ix-I 95

PRINCIPLE OF MUSLIM PARITY IN THE ARMED
FORCES AND POLICE OF ARAKAN

(1) That for creating a genuine sense of Collective
Security, Mutuality and Confidence and in view of the
great importance of the strategic position the Muslims
occupy, the principle of Muslim parity of 50 P.C.
Muslim representation on the Armed Forces and the
Police, the Regulars and the Irregulars of the Arakan
Division as a whole should be recognized and
implemented.

PRINCIPLE OF CONDOMINIUM FOR AKYAB PORT

(2) That Akyab should be recognized as the Common
Port and City of the North Arakan Free Muslim state
and South Arakan with the principle of Condominium
of the North Arakan Unit and South Arakan Unit in the
City. The Muslims and the Non-Muslims should have
joint administration of the city and the port with 50
P.C. of Muslim representation on the Administration,
Police and Security Force of Arakan. The Mayor and
the Deputy Mayor, the Commissioner and the Deputy
Commissioner of Akyab should be a Muslim and a
Non-Muslim in rotation; the first Mayor should be
Muslim and the Deputy Mayor a Non-Muslim and the
Commissioner should he a Muslim and the Deputy
Commissioner a Non-Muslim for a period of two years.
For the next term the racial order should be reversed.

96 Appendix-!

MINISTER FOR MUSLIM AFFAIRS ON CENTRAL
GOVERNMENT

(3) That the Representative of The Muslims of North
Arakan Zone should be appointed as Minister for
Muslim Affairs on the Burma Union Central
Government just as Minister for Chins Affairs,
Minister for Kachins Affairs, Minister for Karens
Affairs have been appointed on the central Government
of Burma.

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND THE ARAKAN MUSLIMS

(4) That the North Arakan Muslims should get as a right
equal representation on the Constituent Assembly of
the Union with other Units which shall be formed for
framing the Constitution of the Union and the Muslim
Demands should be made integral parts of the
Constitution.

UNION LESGISTURE

(5) That the North Arakan Muslims should get equal
representation on the Upper Chamber of the Federal
Legislature of the Union of Burma with other Units and
proportionate Representation on the Lower Chamber of
the Union Legislature.

CONGRESS OF PEOPLE

(6) That a Congress of Peoples and Races should be
instituted for looking after the cultural and social
welfare of the various Race-Units, communities and
peoples of the Union of Burma, and specially to
promote amity, goodwill and co-operation among
them. All communities should get equal representation
on the Congress of Peoples on the principle of parity.

Appendix-I 97

REPRESENTATION IN SERVICES

(7) That the Muslims should be guaranteed fair and
adequate share in the Central Services of the Union
including the Armed Forces, the Militia, the Irregulars
and the Police, the Educational Services and Judiciary,

COMPLETE RELIGIOUS, EDUCATIONAL CULTURAL
AUTONOMY AND EQUAL CIVIL RIGHTS

(8) That complete Religious Freedom and Equality,
Culture and Educational Autonomy as a distinct
community and Equal Civic and Economic Rights and
Liberties should be guaranteed by the Constitution of
the Union of Burma for the Muslims as a recognized
Minority according to the principle of the Covenant of
the U.N.O. Commission on Human Rights and
Protection of Minorities. These Rights and Safeguards
should be made Justiceable in the Courts of Law,

(9) That Muslim properties and business shops destroyed
or looted or unjustly confiscated should be restored and
compensated, and the economic freedom and equal
economic development and welfare of the Muslims
should be guaranteed and secured.

QAZI COURTS UNDER A GRAND MUFTY

(1) That Qazi Courts under a Grand Mufty should be
established in Burma with powers to administer
Islamic personal Laws concerning the personal life,
family, matrimony, inheritance, succession, wakfs,
etc. of the Muslims according to the principle of the
Holy Shariat.

98 Appendix- 1

MAJLIS ISLAMIA

(2) That a Statutory Muslim Council (Majlis Ismalia) for
the proper management of the Religious, Social,
Educational and Cultural Affairs and Administration
of the Charitable Institutions, Wakfs,

(3) Religious Trusts, Mosques, Madrashs, Graveyards,
Tombs, Monuments and Cultural Foundations of the
Muslims in the Union of Burma should be formed,
composed of Muslim representatives and the Ulema,
to be selected by the Muslims according to the rules
of the special statute of the Majlis which the Muslim
members of the Constituent Assembly and the Central
Union Legislature and the Muslim Conference shall
adopt.

(4) (A) The Islamia Schools and Colleges should be
established with provision for the teaching in Arabic
Institutions, Islamic History and Culture and the
Muslims should get fair of the State Aid and Grants to
Educational., Cultural and Charitable Institutions.
That provisions for the teaching of Urdu and Arabic
and Diniyat ( Islamic Religious Instructions ) should
be made in all public Government schools where the
Muslim students are considerable in number and
Urdu schools should not be abolished but further
developed.

(B) That the Muslims shall have complete freedom to
found and run their own Educational, Religious and
Cultural Institutions.

(C) That Urdu should be retained as the medium of
Instruction for the Muslims in Primary and
Secondary schools and no language should be
forced on the Muslims against their will or to the
detriment of Muslim Culture and integrity.

APPENDIX-II

Mautig Tha Hla, The Rakhaing, Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural

Association, New York, 2004, p,66.

In pamphlets as well as by means of lyric the young Muslim
males were induced by the Bengali chapter of the Jamaat-i-
Ullah (the world wide community of Muslims) to emigrate
into the Union of Burma, the land of abundant food and
pretty damsels; to marry the native maidens; to convert
the offspring into Muslims; to translate the Koran (the
sacred text of Islam) into Burmese; to spread Islam in the
community; to seek public and government offices; to
secure the strategic positions in the military; and ultimately
to overthrow the government. The cynical conspiracy abroad
was complemented with an equally sneering plan within the
country that in Rangoon and other cities the Muslim youth
were offered monetary incentives to venture into winning the
hand of daughters of the government officials, especially the
military generals; the higher the status the Larger the award.
The idea behind it was to stretch the boundary of acceptance
of Islam by conversion in consequence of conjugality and
more importantly to influence the elite in power through
their loved 0*ie&. Significantly, more and more Muslims
have moved into the previously exclusive Buddhist
communities. Buying up the real estates, in the traditionally
Buddhist neighbourhoods, has become a scenario throughout
the country. They established small cumin unities and kept
aloof inside the compounds which were enclosed by high
fences, where possible, strictly guarding their women from
public view, Seeing through the racial prism or not the
establishment of micro Muslim colonies was no other than
the surgical implant of the Islamic cells into the body of the
Buddhist society.

99

APPENDIX - III

Extract from the Report of the Middle East Media
Research Institute
By Steven Stalin sky , Executive Director
August 30, 2006

"Is it conceivable that Muslims did the killing on 9/1 1?
Yes, they did. They killed 3,000 people."— Ahmad Al-
Rub'I, a former Kuwaiti Minister of education.

"When the towers collapsed. . ,.my lungs filled with air.
1 breathed in relief, as I'd never breathed before", a
missive from the chairman of the Syrian Arab Writers
Association read.

''Millions across the world shouted in joy: America was
hit," the independent Egyptian weekly Ai-Maydan
wrote,

" I have a sneaking suspicion that George Bush was
involved in the operation of September 11, as was
Colin Powell," a columnist for The Arabic -language
daily Ai-sharq Al-Awsat, Sarnir Atallah, said.

" I find it hard to believe that people who were learning
to fly in Florida could, within a year and a half, fly
large commercial airlines and hit with accuracy the
towers of the world Trade Center, which would
appear, to the pilot from the air, the size of a pencil,"
President Mubarak of Egypt told Al-Ahram Weekly,
on October 25, 2001, "Only a professional pilot could
carry out this mission, not someone who learned to
fly for IS months in Florida."

100

Appendix- IJJ 101

Two weeks after the attacks. Sheik Muhammad al-
Gameia — an Egyptian Iman at the Islamic Cultural
Center of New York and the American representative
to Al-Azhar University, the highest religious
authority in Sunni Islam— gave an interview to one of
the school's Websites. He said, among other things*
"If the American knew that the Jews carried out the
September 1 1 attacks, they would do to them what
Hitler did."

More recently* an American Muslim scholar who is
active in prominent American Muslim organizations
such as the Council on American Islamic Relations,
Salah Sultan, gave an interview to Saudi Ai-Resala
TV. "September 11 could not have been carried out

entirely from outside [America]— by Muslims or

others,.,. The entire thing was a large scale and was
planned within America in order to enable America
to control and terrorize the entire world," he said on
May 17.

Notable conspiracy theories from the Arab world and
Iran between 2001 and 2004 put the blame for the
attacks on Jews, Zionists, Christian Zionists, born again
Christians, the Vatican, Mossad, CIA, National
Security Council, white supremacist groups, Britain,
President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Benjamin
Netanyahu, and many others.

These conspiracies have continued over the past year.
"The 9/11 story is> in fact, a Zionist conspiracy/ 5
an Egyptian cleric, Abd Al-Sabur Shaheen, said on
Al-Nas July 1(1

102 Appendix-Ill

Writing in the Oman daily Al-Watan on June 26,
Abdallah Hammouda discussed the possibility that
neoconservative Christians and Zionists planned and
implemented the attacks.

The "real facts are not available" to explain what really
happened on September 11, but besides Al Qaeda, it is
possible Jews or even the "Americans themselves were
behind it™ the chairman of the Somali Islamic Courts
Union, Sheik Sherif Sheik Ahmed, told the Somsliland
Times on June 9.

"I said that 9/1 1 was carried out by American agents,"
the deputy chairman Egyptian Parliamentary Committee
for defense and National Security, Muhammad Abd Ai-
Fattah, told Ein TV on May 2.

"I am one of the those who believe these events "of
September 1 1 " were fabricated from the outset," an
Egyptian cleric who once lectured in America, Hazem
Sail ah Abu Ismail, said on Saudi Al-Rcsala TV on
April 14.

Throughout September 2005, A 1-Jazeera aired a special
titled " The Truth Behind 9/1 1." Part IV, which aired
September 30, was devoted to the Mossad's
involvement, including "agents.... dancing and cheering
in front of the World Trade Center."

On September 13,2005, Iran's Iaame Jam 1 TV aired a
program on September 1 1 conspiracies, including the
"true" passengers on the planes that hit the World
Trade Center and the Pentagon and why 4,000 Jews
did not show up to work that day. An Iranian TV
documentary on Sahar 1 TV on September 11, 2005.

Appendix-Jll 1 03

A retired Egyptian general, Muhammed Khalef, said
on Al-Mihwar TV on September 11, 2005, that the
planning for September 11,2001, began in 1999 at the
National Defense University. He claimed that Mr.
Cheney told Mr. Bush, "It was an inside the White
House job."

In November 2002, Ain Al-Yaqeen quoted the
powerful Saudi interior minister, Prince Nayef } as
saying: "It is impossible that 19 youths carried out the
operation of September 11, or that bin Laden or Al

Qaeda did that alone .1 think [ the Zionists] are

behind these events." Prince Nayefs statement was
considered shocking and was immediately condemned.
As NBC reported, it completely undercut a 10 million
Saudi public relations campaign.

Unfortunately, as we approach the fifth anniversary of
the attacks, statements such as Prince Nayefs are now
readily accepted in the Middle East. On June 22, Pew
released the results of a survey that asked Muslims if
they thought Arabs carried out the September 1 1 attacks.
Only 17% of British Muslims; 48% of French Muslims;
16% of Indonesians; 32% of Egyptians; 16% of Turks;
39% of Jordanians; and 15% of Pakistanis answered
"yes."

APPENDIX IV

Maung Tha HI a, The Rakhaing, p. 68,

The Islamic movement is global and its inspiration is to
dominate the world. A partial outline of the stimulus
emerged when two bonds were circulated in the early 195(Fs
in then Hast Pakistan, which crystallized the deeply seated
ambition for the conquest of the Union of Burma as well as
mainland Southeast Asia, which the Muslims had failed to
conquer in the previous centuries. Each bond depicted
blueprint of a projected territory extending eastwards beyond
the Pakistani border. One territory included the Union of
Burma as part of extended Pakistan and the other imbricating
the former, covered an area consisting of Thailand and
Indochina, Denominated for one Pakistani rupee, each of the
bonds would be worth in millions on redemption when the
territories in question were conquered in two stages. The
tremor of excitement led the Muslims on both sides of the
border to hoard the bonds in huge quantities.

104

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Arthur Phayre, History of Burma ( Burma Proper,
Pegu.Tenasserim , and Arakan ), London: TnibneT
& Co., Ludgate Hill, 1883, p.41;

2. Ibid, p. 42;

3. John Ogilvy Hay, ARAKAN, PAST-PRESENT-FUTURE
(OLD ARAKAN), William Blackwood & Sons,
Edinburgh and London, 1892. From The Flower News
Vol.1, No.37,p.3;

4. Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District, R.B. Smart (Deputy
Commissioner) Settlement Officer, Akyab, Government
Printing, Rangoon, 1917, Volume A, p. 84;

5. Akyab District Gazetteer, 1906, Volume B;

6. British Imperial Gazetteer, Akyab District, pp.. 193-4;

7. Burma Gazetteer, Akywb District, p. 86;

8. The Raiders of Arakan, C.E. Lucas Phillips,
Heinemann, London, 1971, p.4;

9. Ibid, p.8;

10. Ibid,p.9;

11. Hay, p.3;

12. Smart, p. 104;

13. Hay, p.21;

14. Ibid, p. 19;

15. 1881 Burma Census, Arakan Division p. 73,
paragraph 246;

16. 1872 Burma Census,, Arakan Division, Lt, Colonel
II. T. Duncan, p. 16, paragraph 79;

17. 1 8 72 Bengal Census, Dune an, p. 1 4 1 , paragraph 378;

18. Smart, p. 90;

19. Smart, p.223;

20. Ibid,p.224;

21. Ibid, p. 226;

22. Ibid,p.228;

23. Ibid, p.229;

24. Ibid, p.231;

105

Bibliography

25. Ibid,p.233;

26. Ibid, p.234;

27. Smart, p.236;

28. Ibid,p.238;

29. Ibid,p.238;

30. Ibid,p.239;

31. Ibid,p.240;

32. Ibid, p.243;

33. Burma Census- 1872, p.9, paragraph 43;

34. Smart, p. 144;

35. rbid, pp.89 &90;

36. Maurice Collis, The land of Great Image, Faber &
Faber Ltd., p. 130;

37. Smart, p. 233;

38. Phillips, p.10;

39. Smart, p.S8;

40. Ibid,p.241;

41. Ibid, p. 90;

42. D.G.E. Hall's Burma, Hutchinson University Library,
London, 1950, 56 &60, p. 158;

43. Milton W. Meyer, Southeast Asia {A Brief History),
A Littlefield, Adams & Co., New Jersey, 1966, p.55;

44. William E, Curtis, Egypt, Burma and British
Malaysia, Flaming H. Company, London, p.252;

45. Frank G. Carpenter, From Bangkok to Bombay?,
Doubleday T Page &, Company, New York, 1926, T.47;

46. Hall, p. 152;

47. A.C.Banerjee, ed., Indian Constitutional Documents,
Calcutta, A.Mukherjee and Co., 1946JI, p.408;

48. Calcutta journal, Frontier, August 30, 1980;

49. Meyer, p. 121;

50. V.C, Scott O' Conner, Mandalay And Other Cities Of

The Past In Burma, Hutchinson & Co., London, 1907,
p.320;

106

Bibliography

51 Phillips, p.9;

52. The World Almanac, 2009;

53. Smart, p. 86;

54. Ibid, p. 104;

55. Ibid, p. 20;

56. Ibid,p.89;

57. Phayre T p.l79;

58. Hah\p.62;

59. G.E.Harvey, Outline Of Burmese History, Longmans,
Green & Co. Ltd, 6&7 Clifford Street, London, WJ,
Reprinted 1947, p.96-7;

60. Smart, p.90.

107

Maung Tha Hla, who is the author of The Rakhaing,
companion of the periodical Rakhaing Guardian, is the
founder president of the Buddhist Rakhaing Cultural
Association of the United States of America.

He served twenty years with the Burma Foreign Service,
which he quit during the tenure of office of Deputy
Permanent Representative of Burma to the United Nations
Organization,

108

108